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THE  LIBRARY 

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THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

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lllontcsuma  EDition 
THE    WORKS    OF    WILLIAM    H.  PRESCOTT 

TWENTY-TWO   VOLUMES 

Vol.  II 


The  Montezuma  Edition  of  William  H.  PrescotVs 
Works  is  limited  to  one  thousand  copies,  of  which 
this  is 

P  -''t  n 


tinontesnma  ESttion 
HISTORY  OF  THE 

Conquest  of  Mexico 


BY 

WILUAM  H.  PRESCOTT 


EDITED    BY 

WILFRED  HAROLD  MUNRO 

PROFESSOR    Of    EUROPEAN    HISTORY    IN    BROWN    UNIVERSITY 

AND    COMPRISING   THE    NOTES    OF  THE    EDITION   BY 
JOHN   FOSTER   KIRK. 


"  Victrices  aquilas  alium  laturus  in  orbem" 

LucAN,  Pharsalia,  lib.  v.,  v.  338 


VOL  II 


PHILADELPHIA  AND  LONDON 
J.   B.    LIPPINCOTT    COMPANY 


Copyright,  1843,  by  William  H.  Prescott 

Copyright,  1871   by  William  G.  Prescott 

Copyright,  1878,  by  J.  B.  Lippincott  &  Co. 

Copyright,  1904,  by  J.  B.  Lippincott  Compant 


Eiectrotyped  and  Printed  by 
J.  B.  Lippincott  Company,  Philadelphia,  U.  S.  A. 


CONTENTS    OF   VOL.  II 


F 
BOOK    II 

DISCOVERY    OF    MEXICO 
(continued) 

CHAPTER    VI 

Account  of  Montezuma  —  State  of  his  Empire  —  Strange 
Prognostics  —  Embassy  and  Presents  —  Spanish  Encamp- 
ment 

PAGE 

Montezuma  then  upon  the  Throne 3 

Inaugural  Address 4 

The  Wars  of  Montezuma 5 

His  civil   Policy 6 

Oppression  of  his  Subjects 7 

Foes  of  his  Empire 8 

Superstition  of  Montezuma 9 

Mysterious  Prophecy 10 

Portentous  Omens 11 

Dismay  of  the  Emperor 12 

Embassy  and  presents  to  the  Spaniards 14 

Life  in  the  Spanish  Camp 15 

Rich  Present  from  Montezuma 16 

Large  gold  Wheels 17 

Message  from  Montezuma 18 

Effects  of  the  Treasure  on  the  Spaniards 20 

Return  of  the  Aztec  Envoys 21 

Prohibition  of  Montezuma 22 

Preaching  of  Father  Olmedo 23 

Desertion  of  the  Natives 23 

CHAPTER    VII 

Troubles  in  the  Camp — Plan  of  a  Colony — Management  of 
Cortes — March  to  Cempoalla — Proceedings  with  the  Na- 
tives— Foundation  of  Vera  Cruz 

Discontent  of  the  Soldiery 24 

Envoys  from  the  Totonacs 25 

Dissensions  in  the  Aztec  Empire 26 

V 


vi  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II 

PAGE 

Proceedings  in  the  Camp 26 

Cortes  prepares  to  return  to  Cuba 27 

Army  remonstrate 28 

Cortes  yields 29 

Foundation  of  Villa  Rica 30 

Resignation  and  Reappointment  of  Cortes 31 

Divisions  in  the  Camp 32 

General   Reconciliation 33 

March  to  Cempoalla 34 

Picturesque  Scenery 35 

Remains  of  Victims 35 

Terrestrial  Paradise 36 

Love  of  Flowers  by  the  Natives 37 

Their  splendid  Edifices 38 

Hospitable  Entertainment  at  Cempoalla 39 

Conference  with  the  Cacique 40 

Proposals  of  Alliance 41 

Advance  of  the  Spaniards 43 

Arrival  of  Aztec  Nobles 44 

Artful  Policy  of  Cortes 45 

Allegiance  of  the  Natives 46 

City  of  Villa  Rica  built 47 

Infatuation  of  the  Indians 48 


CHAPTER    VIII 

Another  Aztec  Embassy — Destruction  of  the  Idols — De- 
spatches SENT  TO  Spain — Conspiracy  in  the  Cajip — The 
Fleet  sunk 

Embassy   from   Montezuma 49 

Its   Results 50 

Severe  Discipline  in  the  Army 51 

Gratitude  of  the  Cempoallan  Cacique 52 

Attempt  at  Conversion 53 

Sensation  among  the  Natives 54 

The   Idols   burned 55 

Consecration  of  the  Sanctuary 56 

News   from   Cuba 57 

Presents  for  Charles  the  Fifth 58 

First  Letter  of  Cortes 59 

Despatches  to  Spain 61 

Agents  for  the  Mission 62 

Departure  of  the  Ship 63 

It  touches  at  Cuba 64 

Rage  of  Velasquez 64 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II  vii 

PAGE 

Ship  arrives  in  Spain 65 

Conspiracy  in  the  Camp 66 

Destruction  of  the  Fleet 67 

Oration  of  Cortes 69 

Enthusiasm  of  the  Army 70 

Notice  of  Las  Casas 72 

His  Life  and  Character 73 

Criticism  on  his  Works 79 


BOOK    III 

MARCH    TO    MEXICO 

CHAPTER    I 

Proceedings  at  Cempoalla — The  Spaniards  climb  the  Table- 
land— Picturesque  Scenery — Transactions  with  the  Na- 
tives— Embassy  to  Tlascala 

Squadron  off  the  Coast 83 

Stratagem  of  Cortes 85 

Arrangement  at  Villa  Rica 86 

Spaniards  begin  their  March 87 

Climb  the  Cordilleras 88 

Wild  Mountain  Scenery 89 

Immense  Heaps  of  human  Skulls 93 

Transactions  with  the  Natives 94 

Accounts  of  Montezuma's  Power 95 

Moderation  of  Father  Olmedo 97 

Indian   Dwellings 99 

Cortes  determines  his  Route 100 

Embassy  to  Tlascala 101 

Remarkable  Fortification 102 

Arrival  in   Tlascala 103 


CHAPTER    II 

Repubuc    of    Tlascala — Its    Institutions — Early    History — 
Discussions  in  the  Senate — Desperate  Battles 

The   Tlascalans 104 

Their   Migrations 105 

Their  Government 106 

Public  Games 107 


viii  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    11 


PAOE 


Order  of  Knighthood 108 

Internal  Resources 108 

Their  Civilization 109 

Struggles  with  the  Aztecs 110 

Means  of  Defence Ill 

SuflFerings  of  the  Tlascalans 112 

Their  hardy  Character 113 

Debates  in  the  Senate 114 

Spaniards  advance 115 

Desperate  Onslaught 116 

Retreat  of  the  Indians 117 

Bivouac  of  the  Spaniards 118 

The  Army  resumes  its  March 119 

Immense  Host  of  Barbarians 120 

Bloody  Conflict  in  the  Pass 121 

Enemy  give  Ground 122 

Spaniards  clear  the  Pass 123 

Cessation  of  Hostilities 124 

Results  of  the  Conflict 125 

Troops  encamp  for  the  Night 126 


CHAPTER    III 
Decisive  Victory — Indiak  CotrifCiL — Night  Attack — Negotia- 

TIOXS    WITH    THE    EnEMY TlASCALAN    HeRO 

Envoys  to  Tlascala 127 

Foraging  Party 128 

Bold  Defiance  by  the  Tlascalans 129 

Preparations  for  Battle 130 

Appearance  of  the  Tlascalans 131 

Showy  Costume  of  the  Warriors 132 

Their  Weapons 134 

Desperate  Engagement 13S 

The  Combat  thickens 137 

Divisions  among  the  Enemy 138 

Decisive  Victory 139 

Triumph  of  Science  over  Numbers 140 

Dread  of  the  Cavalry 140 

Indian  Council 143 

Night  Attack 143 

Spaniards  victorious  .........  144 

Embassy  to  Tlascala 145 

Peace  with  the  Enemy 145 

Patriotic  Spirit  of  their  Chief 146 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    11  ix 


CHAPTER    IV 

DiSCOKTEKT  IN  THE   ArmY TlASCALAN   SpIES — PeACE   WITH   THE 

Republic — Embassy  from  Montezuma 

PAGg 

Spaniards  scour  the  Country 147 

Success  of  the  Foray 148 

Discontent  in  the  Camp 149 

Representations  of  the  Malecontents 150 

Reply  of  Cortes 151 

Difficulties  of  the  Enterprise 153 

Mutilation  of  the  Spies 154 

Interview  with  the  Tlascalan  Chief 156 

Peace  with  the  Republic 158 

Embassy  from  Montezuma 159 

Declines  to  receive  the  Spaniards 160 

They  advance  towards  the  City 161 


CHAPTER    V 

Spaniards  enter  Tlascala  —  Description  of  the  Capital  — 
Attempted  Conversion  —  Aztec  Embassy  —  Invited  to 
Cholula 

Spaniards  enter  Tlascala 164 

Rejoicings  on  their  Arrival 165 

Description  of  Tlascala 166 

Its  Houses  and  Streets 166 

Its  Fairs  and  Police 167 

Divisions  of  the  City 167 

Wild  Scenery  round  Tlascala 168 

Character  of  the  Tlascalans 169 

Vigilance  of  Cortes 169 

Attempted  Conversion 170 

Resistance  of  the  Natives 170 

Zeal  of  Cortes 171 

Prudence  of  the  Friar 171 

Character  of  Olmedo 179 

Mass  celebrated  in  Tlascala 173 

The  Indian  Maidens 174 

Aztec  Embassy 175 

Power  of  Montezuma 176 

Embassy  from  Ixtlilxochitl 177 

Deputies  from  Cholula 178 

Invitation  to  Cholula 178 

Prepare  to  leave  Tlascala 179 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II 


CHAPTER    VI 

City   of   Cholula  —  Great   Temple  —  March    to    CHot-truk.  — 
Receptiox  of  the  Spaniards — Conspiracy  detected 

PAGE 

City  of  Cholula 180 

Its  History 181 

Religious  Traditions 182 

Its  ancient  Pyramid 183 

Temple  of  Quetzalcoatl 184 

Holy  City 185 

Magnificent  Scenery 187 

Spaniards  leave  Tlascala 188 

Indian  Volunteers 189 

Army  enters  Cholula 190 

Brilliant  Reception 191 

Envoys  from  Montezuma 192 

Suspicions  of  Conspiracy 193 

Fidelity  of  Marina 194 

Alarming  Situation  of  Cortes 195 

Intrigues  with  the  Priests 196 

Interview  with  the  Caciques 197 

Night-watch  of  the  Spaniards 198 

CHAPTER    VII 

Terrible  Massacre — TRANGtriLLiTT  restored — Reflecttons  on 
THE  Massacre — Further  Proceedings — Envoys  from  Monte- 
zuma 

Preparations  for  a  secret  Assault 200 

Natives  collect  in  the  Square 200 

The  Signal  given 201 

Terrihle  Massacre 202 

Onset  of  the  Tlascalans 203 

Defence  of  the  Pyramid 204 

Division  of  the  Spoil 205 

Restoration  of  Order 206 

Reflections  on  the  Massacre 207 

Right  of  Conquest 208 

Missionary  Spirit 209 

Policy  of  Cortes 211 

His  perilous  Situation 212 

Cruelty  to  be  charged  on  him 212 

Terror  of  "  the  White  Gods  " 215 

The  Cross  raised  in  Cholula 217 

Victims  liberated  from  the  Cages 217 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II  xi 

TAOE 

Christian  Temple  reared  on  the  Pyramid 217 

Embassy  from  Montezuma 218 

Departure  of  the  Cempoallans 219 

CHAPTER    VIII 

March  eesujied — Ascent  of  the  Great  Volcano — Vallet  op 
Mexico — Impression  on  the  Spaniards — Conduct  of  Monte- 
zuma— They  descend  into  the  Valley 

Spaniards  leave  Cholula 221 

Signs  of  Treachery 222 

The  Army  reaches  the  Mountains 2:23 

Wild  Traditions 223 

The  great  Volcano 224 

Spaniards  ascend  its  Sides 225 

Perils  of  the  Enterprise 226 

Subsequent  Ascent 227 

Descent  into  the  Crater 228 

The  Troops  suffer  from  the  Tempest 229 

First  View  of  the  Valley 230 

Its  Magnificence  and  Beauty  . 230 

Impression  on  the  Spaniards 232 

Disaffection  of  the  Natives  to  Montezuma 233 

Embassy  from  the  Emperor 234 

His  gloomy  Apprehensions 234 

Silence  of  the  Oracles 235 

Spaniards  advance 236 

Death  of  the  Spies 23T 

Arrival  of  the  Tezcucan  Lord 238 

Floating  Gardens 240 

Crowds  assembled  on  the  Roads 241 

Army  reaches  Iztapalapan 242 

Its  celebrated  Gardens 243 

Striking  View  of  Mexico 245 

CHAPTER    IX 

Environs  of  Mexico — Interview  with  Montezttma — Entrance 
INTO  the  Capital  —  Hospitable  Reception  —  Visit  to  the 
Empehoh 

Preparations  to  enter  the  Capital 246 

Army  enters  on  the  great  Causeway 247 

Beautiful  Environs 248 

Brilliant  Procession  of  Chiefs 249 

Splendid  Retinue  of  Montezuma 250 


xii  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II 

PAOB 

Dress  of  the  Emperor 252 

His  Person 262 

His  Reception  of  Cortes 253 

Spaniards  enter  the  Capital 254 

Feelings  of  the  Aztecs 256 

Hospitable   Reception 258 

The  Spanish  Quarters 259 

Precaution  of  the  General 259 

Visited  by  the  Emperor 260 

His  rich  Presents 261 

Superstitious  Terrors 262 

Royal  Palace 263 

Description  of  its  Interior 264 

Cortes  visits  Montezuma 265 

Attempts  to  convert  the  Monarch 265 

Entire  Failure 266 

His  religious  Views 267 

Montezuma's   Eloquence 268 

His  courteous  Bearing 269 

Reflections  of  Cortes 270 

Notice  of  Herrera 273 

Criticism  on  his  History 274 

Life  of  Toribio  .     " 274 

Peter  Martyr 277 

His  Works 278 


BOOK    IV 

RESIDENCE    IN    MEXICO 

CHAPTER    I 

Tezcucax   Lake — Description   of  the   Capital — Palaces   aitd 
Museums — Royal  Household — Montezuma's  Way  of  Life 

Lake  of  Tezcuco 281 

Its  Diminution 28J 

Floating  Islands 283 

The  ancient  Dikes 284 

Houses  of  ancient  Mexico 285 

Its  Streets 286 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II  xiii 

PAGE 

Its  Population 288 

Its  Aqueducts  and  Fountains 292 

The  imperial  Palace 293 

Adjoining  Edifices 294 

Magnificent  Aviary 294 

Extensive  Menagerie 295 

CoUection  of  Dwarfs 296 

Gardens 297 

Royal  Hill  of  Chapoltepec 298 

Wives  of  Jlontezuma 299 

His  Meals 300 

Luxurious  Dessert 303 

Custom  of  Smoking 304 

Ceremonies  at  Court 305 

Economy  of  the  Palace 306 

Oriental  Civilization 308 

Reserve  of  Montezuma 309 

Symptoms  of  Decline  of  Power 309 


CHAPTER    II 

Market  of   Mexico — Great   Temple — Interior   Sanctuaries — 
Spanish  Quarters 

Mexican  Costume 311 

Great  Market  of  Mexico 312 

Quarter  of  the  Goldsmiths 313 

Booths  of  the  Armorers 314 

Provisions  for  the  Capital 315 

Throngs  in  the  Market 317 

Aztec  Money 318 

The  great  Temple 319 

Its  Structure S20 

Dimensions 321 

Instruments  of  Worship 322 

Grand  View  from  the  Temple 323 

Shrines  of  the  Idols 325 

Imprudence  of  Cortes 327 

Interior  Sanctuaries 338 

Mound  of  Skulls 329 

Aztec  Seminaries 330 

Impression  on  the  Spaniards  ........  332 

Hidden  Treasures 333 

Mass  performed  in  Mexico 334 


xiv  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II 


CHAPTER    III 

Anxiety  of  Cortes — Seizure  of  Montezuma — His  Theatmekt 
BY  THE  Spaniards — Execution  or  iiis  Officers — Montezuma 
IN   Irons — Reflections 

PACE 

Anxiety  of  Cortes 335 

Council  of  War 336 

Opinions  of  the  Officers 337 

Bold  Project  of  Cortes 337 

Plausible  Pretext 338 

Interview  with  Montezuma       ........  341 

Accusation  of  Montezuma 342 

His  Seizure 345 

He  is  carried  to  the  Spanish  Quarters 346 

Tumult  among  the  Aztecs 346 

Montezuma's  Treatment 347 

Vigilant  Patrol 348 

Trial  of  the  Aztec  Chiefs 350 

Montezuma  in  Irons 351 

Chiefs  burnt  at  the  Stake 351 

Emperor  allowed  to  return 352 

Declines  this  Permission 353 

Reflections  on  these  Proceedings 354 

Views  of  the  Conquerors 356 

CHAPTER    IV 

Montezuma's  Deportment — His  Life  in  the  Spanish  Quarters 
— Meditated  Insurrection — Lord  of  Tezcuco  seized — Fur- 
ther Measures  of  Cortes 

Troubles  at  Vera  Cruz 358 

Vessels  built  on  the  Lake 359 

Montezuma's  I^ife  in  the  Spanish  Quarters 360 

His  Munificence 361 

Sensitive  to  Insult 362 

The  Emperor's  Favorites 363 

Spaniards  attempt  his  Conversion 364 

Brigantines  on  the  Lake 365 

The  Royal  Chase 365 

Lord  of  Tezcuco 366 

Meditated  Insurrection 368 

Policy  of  Cortes 369 

Tezcucan  Lord  in  Chains 370 

Further  Measures  of  Cortfe 371 

Surveys  the  Coast 372 


LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 


The  Meetikg  of  Cortes  akd  Moktezuma  Frontispiece 

From  a  painting  especially  made  for  this  edition  by  L.  Kowalsky. 

COBTES  RECEIVING   THE    EMBASSY   OF    MoJfTEZUMA 14 

After  the  painting  in  the  National  Museum  at  Mexico. 

COETES    SINKING    HIS    ShIPS     70 

After  the  painting  by  F.  Sans. 

Audience  of  Cortes  with  Montezuma  260 

After  the  painting  in  the  National  Museum  of  Mexico. 

Map  of  the  Valley  of  Mexico  at  the  Period  of  the  Conquest  281 

Montezuma   304 

After  the  portrait  published  by  Fray  Prudentio  Sandoval  in 
his  "  History  of  Charles  V.,"  edition  of  16U. 


Mexico — II 


BOOK  II 

DISCOVERY    OF    MEXICO 

(continued) 


CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 


CHAPTER  VI 

ACCOUNT  OF  MONTEZUMA— STATE  OF  HIS  EMPIRE 
—  STRANGE  PROGNOSTICS— EMBASSY  AND  PRES- 
ENTS—SPANISH   ENCAMPMENT 

1519 

WE  must  now  take  leave  of  the  Spanish  camp 
in  the  tierra  caliente,  and  transport  our- 
selves to  the  distant  capital  of  Mexico,  where  no 
little  sensation  was  excited  by  the  arrival  of  the 
^vonderful  strangers  on  the  coast.  The  Aztec 
throne  was  filled  at  that  time  by  JVIontezuma  the 
Second,  nephew  of  the  last,  and  grandson  of  a 
preceding  monarch.  He  had  been  elected  to  the 
regal  dignity  *  in  1502,  in  preference  to  his  broth- 
ers, for  his  superior  qualifications  both  as  a  soldier 
and  a  priest, — a  combination  of  offices  sometimes 
found  in  the  Mexican  candidates,  as  it  was  more 
frequently  in  the  Egyptian.  In  early  youth  he 
had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  wars  of  the  empire, 
though  of  late  he  had  devoted  himself  more  ex- 
clusively to  the  services  of  the  temple;   and  he 

*  ["Chief  of  men."-M.] 


4  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

was  scrupulous  in  his  attentions  to  all  the  burden- 
some ceremonial  of  the  Aztec  worship.  He  main- 
tained a  grave  and  reserved  demeanor,  speaking 
little  and  with  prudent  deliberation.  His  deport- 
ment was  well  calculated  to  inspire  ideas  of  su- 
perior sanctity.^ 

When  his  election  was  announced  to  him,  he 
was  found  sweeping  down  the  stairs  in  the  great 
temple  of  the  national  war-god.  He  received  the 
messengers  with  a  becoming  humility,  professing 
his  unfitness  for  so  responsible  a  station.  The  ad- 
dress delivered  as  usual  on  the  occasion  was  made 
by  his  relative  Nezahualpilli,  the  wise  king  of  Tez- 
cuco.^  It  has,  fortunately,  been  preserved,  and 
presents  a  favorable  specimen  of  Indian  elo- 
quence. Towards  the  conclusion,  the  orator  ex- 
claims, "  Who  can  doubt  that  the  Aztec  empire  has 
reached  the  zenith  of  its  greatness,  since  the  Al- 
mighty has  placed  over  it  one  whose  very  presence 
fills  every  beholder  with  reverence?  Rejoice, 
happy  people,  that  you  have  now  a  sovereign  who 
will  be  to  you  a  steady  column  of  support;  a  fa- 
ther in  distress,  a  more  than  brother  in  tenderness 
and  sympathy;  one  whose  aspiring  soul  will  dis- 
dain all  the  profligate  pleasures  of  the  senses  and 
the  wasting  indulgence  of  sloth.  And  thou,  illus- 
trious youth,  doubt  not  that  the  Creator,  who  has 
laid  on  thee  so  weighty  a  charge,  will  also  give 

^  His  name  suited  his  nature;  Montezuma,  according  to  Las  Casas, 
signifying,  in  the  Mexican,  "  sad  or  severe  man."  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  120.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  70.— 
Acosta,  lib.  7,  cap.  90.— Col.  de  Mendoza,  pp.  13-16;  Codex  Tel.- 
Rem.,  p.  143,  ap.  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi. 

*  For  a  full  account  of  this  prince,  see  Book  I,  chap.  6. 


1519]  ACCOUNT  OF  MONTEZUMA  5 

strength  to  sustain  it;  that  He,  who  has  been  so 
liberal  in  times  past,  will  shower  yet  more  abun- 
dant blessings  on  thy  head,  and  keep  thee  firm  in 
thy  royal  seat  through  many  long  and  glorious 
years."  These  golden  prognostics,  which  melted 
the  royal  auditor  into  tears,  were  not  destined  to 
be  realized.^ 

Montezuma  displayed  all  the  energy  and  enter- 
prise in  the  commencement  of  his  reign  which  had 
been  anticipated  from  him.  His  first  expedition 
against  a  rebel  province  in  the  neighborhood  was 
croM^ned  with  success,  and  he  led  back  in  triumph 
a  throng  of  captives  for  the  bloody  sacrifice  that 
was  to  grace  his  coronation.  This  was  celebrated 
with  uncommon  pomp.  Games  and  religious 
ceremonies  continued  for  several  days,  and  among 
the  spectators  who  flocked  from  distant  quarters 
were  some  noble  Tlascalans,  the  hereditary  ene- 
mies of  Mexico.  They  were  in  disguise,  hoping 
thus  to  elude  detection.  They  were  recognized, 
however,  and  reported  to  the  monarch.  But  he 
only  availed  himself  of  the  information  to  provide 
them  with  honorable  entertainment  and  a  good 
place  for  witnessing  the  games.  This  was  a  mag- 
nanimous act,  considering  the  long-cherished  hos- 
tility between  the  nations. 

In  his  first  years,  Montezuma  was  constantly 
engaged  in  war,  and  frequently  led  his  armies  in 
person.    The  Aztec  banners  were  seen  in  the  far- 

*  The  address  is  fully  reported  by  Torquemada  (Monarch.  Ind., 
lib.  3,  cap.  68),  who  came  into  the  country  little  more  than  half  a 
century  after  its  delivery.  It  has  been  recently  republished  by  Bus- 
tamante.  Tezcuco  en  los  ultimos  Tiempos  (Mexico,  1826),  pp. 
256-258. 


6  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

thest  provinces  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  the 
distant  regions  of  Nicaragua  and  Honduras.  The 
expeditions  were  generally  successful;  and  the 
limits  of  the  empire  were  more  widely  extended 
than  at  any  preceding  period. 

Meanwhile  the  monarch  was  not  inattentive  to 
the  interior  concerns  of  the  kingdom.  He  made 
some  important  changes  in  the  courts  of  justice, 
and  carefully  watched  over  the  execution  of  the 
laws,  which  he  enforced  with  stern  severity.  He 
was  in  the  habit  of  patrolling  the  streets  of  his 
capital  in  disguise,  to  make  himself  personally  ac- 
quainted with  the  abuses  in  it.  And  with  more 
questionable  policy,  it  is  said,  he  would  sometimes 
try  the  integrity  of  his  judges  by  tempting  them 
with  large  bribes  to  swerve  from  their  duty,  and 
then  call  the  delinquent  to  strict  account  for  yield- 
ing to  the  temptation. 

He  liberally  recompensed  all  who  served  him. 
He  showed  a  similar  munificent  spirit  in  his  public 
works,  constructing  and  embellishing  the  temples, 
bringing  water  into  the  capital  by  a  new  channel, 
and  establishing  a  hospital,  or  retreat  for  invalid 
soldiers,  in  the  city  of  Colhuacan.^ 

These  acts,  so  worthy  of  a  great  prince,  were 
counterbalanced  by  others  of  an  opposite  com- 
plexion. The  humility,  displayed  so  ostentatiously 
before  his  elevation,  gave  way  to  an  intolerable 
arrogance.  In  his  pleasure-houses,  domestic  es- 
tablishment, and  way  of  living,  he  assumed  a  pomp 

*  Acosta,  lib.  7,  cap.  22.— Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  lib.  8, 
Pr61ogo,  et  cap.  1.— Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  3,  cap.  73,  74, 
81.— Col.  de  Mendoza,  pp.  14,  85,  ap.  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi. 


1519]  ACCOUNT  OF  MONTEZUMA  7 

unknown  to  his  predecessors.  He  secluded  him- 
self from  public  observation,  or,  when  he  went 
abroad,  exacted  the  most  slavish  homage;  while  in 
the  palace  he  would  be  served  only,  even  in  the 
most  menial  offices,  by  persons  of  rank.  He,  fur- 
ther, dismissed  several  plebeians,  chiefly  poor  sol- 
diers of  merit,  from  the  places  they  had  occupied 
near  the  person  of  his  predecessor,  considering 
their  attendance  a  dishonor  to  royalty.  It  was  in 
vain  that  his  oldest  and  sagest  counsellors  remon- 
strated on  a  conduct  so  impolitic. 

While  he  thus  disgusted  his  subjects  by  his 
haughty  deportment,  he  alienated  their  affections 
by  the  imposition  of  grievous  taxes.  These  were 
demanded  by  the  lavish  expenditure  of  his  court. 
They  fell  with  peculiar  heaviness  on  the  conquered 
cities.  This  oppression  led  to  frequent  insurrec- 
tion and  resistance ;  and  the  latter  years  of  his  reign 
present  a  scene  of  unintermitting  hostility,  in 
which  the  forces  of  one  half  of  the  empire  were  em- 
ployed in  suppressing  the  commotions  of  the  other. 
Unfortunately,  there  was  no  principle  of  amalga- 
mation by  which  the  new  acquisitions  could  be  in- 
corporated into  the  ancient  monarchy  as  parts  of 
one  whole.*  Their  interests,  as  well  as  sympathies, 
were  different.  Thus  the  more  widely  the  Aztec 
empire  was  extended,  the  weaker  it  became;  re- 
sembling some  vast  and  ill-proportioned  edifice, 
whose  disjointed  materials,  having  no  principle  of 
cohesion,  and  tottering  under  their  own  weight, 
seem  ready  to  fall  before  the  first  blast  of  the  tem- 
pest. 

*  [They  were  held  as  subject  pueblos.  See  note,  p.  23,  vol.  i. — M.] 


8  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

In  1516  died  the  Tezcucan  king,  Nezahual- 
pilli;  in  whom  Montezuma  lost  his  most  sagacious 
counsellor.  The  succession  was  contested  by  his 
two  sons,  Cacama  and  Ixtlilxochitl.  The  former 
was  supported  by  Montezuma.  The  latter,  the 
younger  of  the  princes,  a  bold,  aspiring  youth,  ap- 
pealing to  the  patriotic  sentiment  of  his  nation, 
would  have  persuaded  them  that  his  brother  was 
too  much  in  the  Mexican  interests  to  be  true  to  his 
own  country.  A  civil  war  ensued,  and  ended  by  a 
compromise,  by  which  one  half  of  the  kingdom, 
with  the  capital,  remained  to  Cacama,  and  the 
northern  portion  to  his  ambitious  rival.  Ixtlilxo- 
chitl became  from  that  time  the  mortal  foe  of 
Montezuma.^ 

A  more  formidable  enemy  still  was  the  Uttle  re- 
pubhc  of  Tlascala,*  lying  midway  between  the 
Mexican  Valley  and  the  coast.  It  had  maintained 
its  independence  for  more  than  two  centuries 
against  the  allied  forces  of  the  empire.  Its  re- 
sources were  unimpaired,  its  civilization  scarcely 
below  that  of  its  great  rival  states,  and  for  courage 
and  military  prowess  it  had  established  a  name  in- 
ferior to  none  other  of  the  nations  of  Anahuac. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  Aztec  monarchy 
on  the  arrival  of  Cortes; — the  people  disgusted 
with  the  arrogance  of  the  sovereign ;  the  provinces 
and  distant  cities  outraged  by   fiscal  exactions; 

"Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  i.  pp.  267,  274,  275.— Ixtlilxo- 
chitl, Hist,  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  70-76.— Acosta,  lib.  7,  cap.  21. 

*  [Tlascala  was  not  a  republic  but  a  pueblo.  It  was  divided  into 
four  phratries.  Clavigero  says  (Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn.  i. 
p.  155)  that  it  was  divided  into  four  parts,  each  division  having  its 
lord.-M.] 


1519]  STATE   OF   HIS   EMPIRE  9 

while  potent  enemies  in  the  neighborhood  lay 
watching  the  hour  when  they  might  assail  their 
formidable  rival  with  advantage.  Still  the  king- 
dom was  strong  in  its  internal  resources,  in  the  will 
of  its  monarch,  in  the  long  habitual  deference  to 
his  authority, — in  short,  in  the  terror  of  his  name, 
and  in  the  valor  and  discipline  of  his  armies,  grown 
gray  in  active  service,  and  well  drilled  in  all  the 
tactics  of  Indian  warfare.  The  time  had  now  come 
when  these  imperfect  tactics  and  rude  weapons  of 
the  barbarian  were  to  be  brought  into  collision  with 
the  science  and  enginery  of  the  most  civilized  na- 
tions of  the  globe. 

During  the  latter  years  of  his  reign,  Montezuma 
had  rarely  taken  part  in  his  military  expeditions, 
which  he  left  to  his  captains,  occupying  himself 
chiefly  with  his  sacerdotal  functions.  Under  no 
prince  had  the  priesthood  enjoyed  greater  consid- 
eration and  immunities.  The  religious  festivals 
and  rites  were  celebrated  with  unprecedented 
pomp.  The  oracles  were  consulted  on  the  most 
trivial  occasions;  and  the  sanguinary  deities  were 
propitiated  by  hecatombs  of  victims  dragged  in 
triumph  to  the  capital  from  the  conquered  or  re- 
belhous  provinces.  The  religion,  or,  to  speak  cor- 
rectly, the  superstition  of  Montezuma  proved  a 
principal  cause  of  his  calamities. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  I  have  noticed  the  popu- 
lar traditions  respecting  Quetzalcoatl,  that  deity 
with  a  fair  complexion  and  flowing  beard,  so  un- 
like the  Indian  physiognomy,  who,  after  fulfilling 
his  mission  of  benevolence  among  the  Aztecs,  em- 
barked on  the  Atlantic  Sea  for  the  mysterious 


10  CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO 

shores  of  Tlapallan.^  He  promised,  on  his  depar- 
ture, to  return  at  some  future  day  with  his  pos- 
terity, and  resume  the  possession  of  his  empire. 
That  day  was  looked  forward  to  with  hope  or  with 
apprehension,  according  to  the  interest  of  the  be- 
liever, but  with  general  confidence,  throughout  the 
wide  borders  of  Anahuac.  Even  after  the  Con- 
quest it  still  lingered  among  the  Indian  races,  by 
whom  it  was  as  fondly  cherished  as  the  advent  of 
their  king  Sebastian  continued  to  be  by  the  Portu- 
guese, or  that  of  the  Messiah  by  the  Jews."^ 

A  general  feeling  seems  to  have  prevailed  in  the 
time  of  Montezuma  that  the  period  for  the  return 
of  the  deity  and  the  full  accomplishment  of  his 
promise  was  near  at  hand.  This  conviction  is  said 
to  have  gained  ground  from  various  preternatural 
occurrences,  reported  with  more  or  less  detail  by 
all  the  most  ancient  historians.^  In  1510  the  great 
lake  of  Tezcuco,  without  the  occurrence  of  a  tem- 
pest, or  earthquake,  or  any  other  visible  cause,  be- 
came violently  agitated,  overflowed  its  banks,  and, 
pouring  into  the  streets  of  Mexico,  swept  off  many 
of  the  buildings  by  the  fury  of  the  waters.  In  1511 
one  of  the  turrets  of  the  great  temple  took  fire, 

^  Ante,  Book  I,  chap.  3,  pp.  71,  72,  and  note  6. 

'  Tezozomoc,  Cron.  Mexicana,  MS.,  cap.  107.  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  1. — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  14; 
lib.  6,  cap.  24. — Codex  Vaticaniis,  ap.  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi. — 
Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  lib.  8,  cap.  7.— Ibid.,  MS.,  lib.  12, 
cap.  3,  4. 

^ "  Tenia  por  cierto,"  says  Las  Casas  of  Montezuma,  "  segun  sus 
prophetas  6  agoreros  le  avian  certificado,  que  su  estado  c  rriquezas  y 
prosperidad  avia  de  perezer  dentro  de  pocos  aiios  por  ^iertas  gentes 
que  avian  de  venir  en  sus  dias,  que  de  su  felicidad  lo  derrocase,  y  por 
esto  vivia  siempre  con  temor  y  en  triste^a  y  sobresaltado."  Hist,  de 
las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  120. 


1519]  STRANGE  PROGNOSTICS  11 

equally  without  any  apparent  cause,  and  con- 
tinued to  burn  in  defiance  of  all  attempts  to  ex- 
tinguish it.  In  the  following  years,  three  comets 
were  seen;  and  not  long  before  the  coming  of 
the  Spaniards  a  strange  light  broke  forth  in  the 
east.  It  spread  broad  at  its  base  on  the  horizon, 
and  rising  in  a  pyramidal  form  tapered  off  as  it 
approached  the  zenith.  It  resembled  a  vast  sheet 
or  flood  of  fire,  emitting  sparkles,  or,  as  an  old 
writer  expresses  it,  "  seemed  thickly  powdered 
with  stars."  ^  At  the  same  time,  low  voices  were 
heard  in  the  air,  and  doleful  wailings,  as  if  to  an- 
nounce some  strange,  mysterious  calamity!  The 
Aztec  monarch,  terrified  at  the  apparitions  in  the 
heavens,  took  counsel  of  Nezahualpilli,  who  was 
a  great  proficient  in  the  subtle  science  of  astrology. 
But  the  royal  sage  cast  a  deeper  cloud  over  his 
spirit  by  reading  in  these  prodigies  the  speedy 
downfall  of  the  empire.^ '^ 

Such  are  the  strange  stories  reported  by  the 
chroniclers,  in  which  it  is  not  impossible  to  detect 
the  glimmerings  of  truth.^^  Nearly  thirty  years 
had  elapsed  since  the  discovery  of  the  Islands  by 

"Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.— The  Interpreter  of  the  Codex 
Tel.-Rem.  intimates  that  this  scintillating  phenomenon  was  prob- 
ably nothing  more  than  an  eruption  of  one  of  the  great  volcanoes 
of  Mexico.     Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.   vi.  p.   144. 

^^  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  1.— Ca- 
margo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.— Acosta,  lib.  7,  cap.  23. — Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  5.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS., 
cap.  '/4. 

"  I  omit  the  most  extraordinary  miracle  of  all, — though  legal  attes- 
tations of  its  truth  were  furnished  the  court  of  Rome  (see  Clavigero, 
Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  i.  p.  289),— namely,  the  resurrection  of  Mon- 
tezuma's sister,  Papantzin,  four  days  after  her  burial,  to  warn  the 
monarch  of  the  approaching  ruin  of  his  empire.     It  finds  credit  with 


12  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

Columbus,  and  more  than  twenty  since  his  visit 
to  the  American  continent.  Rumors,  more  or  less 
distinct,  of  this  wonderful  appearance  of  the  white 
men,  bearing  in  their  hands  the  thunder  and  the 
lightning,  so  like  in  many  respects  to  the  tradi- 
tions of  Quetzalcoatl,  would  naturally  spread  far 
and  wide  among  the  Indian  nations.  Such  ru- 
mors, doubtless,  long  before  the  landing  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Mexico,  found  their  way  up  the 
grand  plateau,  filling  the  minds  of  men  with  anti- 
cipations of  the  near  coming  of  the  period  when 
the  great  deity  was  to  return  and  receive  his  own 
again. 

In  the  excited  state  of  their  imaginations,  prodi- 
gies became  a  familiar  occurrence.  Or  rather, 
events  not  very  uncommon  in  themselves,  seen 
through  the  discolored  medium  of  fear,  were  easily 
magnified  into  prodigies;  and  the  accidental  swell 
of  the  lake,  the  appearance  of  a  comet,  and  the 
conflagration  of  a  building  were  all  interpreted 
as  the  special  annunciations  of  Heaven.^  ^  Thus 
it  happens  in  those  great  political  con\ailsions 
which  shake  the  foundations  of  society, — the 
mighty  events  that  cast  their  shadows  before  them 
in  their  coming.    Then  it  is  that  the  atmosphere  is 

one  writer,  at  least,  in  the  nineteenth  century!  See  the  note  of  Sa- 
hagun's  Mexican  editor,  Bustamante,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  torn. 
ii.  p.  270. 

"  Lucan  gives  a  fine  enumeration  of  such  prodigies  witnessed  in 
the  Roman  capital  in  a  similar  excitement.  (Pharsalia,  lib.  1,  v.  523, 
et  seq.)  Poor  human  nature  is  much  the  same  everjTV'here.  Machia- 
velli  has  thought  the  subject  worthy  of  a  separate  chapter  in  his 
Discourses.  The  philosopher  even  intimates  a  belief  in  the  exis- 
tence of  beneficent  intelligences  who  send  these  portents  as  a  sort 
of  premonitories,  to  warn  mankind  of  the  coming  tempest.  Dis- 
corsi  sopra  Tito  Livio,  lib.  1,  cap.  56. 


1519]      APPREHENSION    OF   MONTEZU]MA         13 

agitated  with  the  low,  prophetic  murmurs  with 
which  Nature,  in  the  moral  as  in  the  physical 
world,  announces  the  march  of  the  hurricane: 

"  When  from  the  shores 
And  forest-rustling  mountains  comes  a  voice, 
That,  solemn  sounding,  bids  the  world  prepare !  " 

When  tidings  were  brought  to  the  capital  of  the 
landing  of  Grijalva  on  the  coast,  in  the  preceding 
year,  the  heart  of  Montezuma  was  filled  with  dis- 
may. He  felt  as  if  the  destinies  which  had  so  long 
brooded  over  the  royal  line  of  Mexico  were  to  be 
accomplished,  and  the  sceptre  was  to  pass  away 
from  his  house  forever.  Though  somewhat  re- 
lieved by  the  departure  of  the  Spaniards,  he  caused 
sentinels  to  be  stationed  on  the  heights ;  and,  when 
the  Europeans  returned  under  Cortes,  he  doubt- 
less received  the  earliest  notice  of  the  unwelcome 
event.  It  was  by  his  orders,  however,  that  the  pro- 
vincial governor  had  prepared  so  hospitable  a  re- 
ception for  them.  The  hieroglyphical  report  of 
these  strange  visitors,  now  forwarded  to  the  capi- 
tal, revived  all  his  apprehensions.  He  called,  with- 
out delay,  a  meeting  of  his  principal  counsellors, 
including  the  kings  of  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan,  and 
laid  the  matter  before  them.'^ 

There  seems  to  have  been  much  division  of  opin- 
ion in  that  body.  Some  were  for  resisting  the 
strangers  at  once,  whether  by  fraud  or  by  open 

"  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  120. — Ixtlilxo- 
chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  80. — Idem,  Relaciones,  MS. — Sahagun, 
Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  3,  4. — Tezozomoc,  Crdn. 
Mexicana,  MS.,  cap.  108. 


U  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

force.  Others  contended  that,  if  they  were  super- 
natural beings,  fraud  and  force  would  be  alike 
useless.  If  they  were,  as  they  pretended,  ambas- 
sadors from  a  foreign  prince,  such  a  policy  would 
be  cowardly  and  unjust.  That  they  were  not  of 
the  family  of  Quetzalcoatl  was  argued  from  the 
fact  that  they  had  shown  themselves  hostile  to  his 
religion;  for  tidings  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Tabasco,  it  seems,  had  already 
reached  the  capital.  Among  those  in  favor  of  giv- 
ing them  a  friendly  and  honorable  reception  was 
the  Tezcucan  king,  Cacama. 

But  ^lontezuma,  taking  counsel  of  his  own 
ill-defined  apprehensions,  preferred  a  half-way 
course,— as  usual,  the  most  impolitic.  He  resolved 
to  send  an  embassy,  with  such  a  magnificent  pres- 
ent to  the  strangers  as  should  impress  them  with 
high  ideas  of  his  grandeur  and  resources ;  while  at 
the  same  time  he  would  forbid  their  approach  to 
the  capital.  This  was  to  reveal  at  once  both  his 
wealth  and  his  weakness.^ ^ 

While  the  Aztec  court  was  thus  agitated  by  the 
arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  they  were  passing  their 
time  in  the  tierra  caliente,  not  a  little  annoyed  by 
the  excessive  heats  and  suffocating  atmosphere  of 
the  sandy  waste  on  which  they  were  encamped. 
They  experienced  every  alleviation  that  could  be 
derived  from  the  attentions  of  the  friendly  natives. 
These,  by  the  governor's  command,  had  con- 
structed more  than  a  thousand  huts  or  booths  of 
branches  and  matting,  which  they  occupied  in  the 

"Tezozomoc,  Cron.  Mexicana,  MS.,  loc.  cit.— Camargo,  Hist,  de 
Tlascala,  MS.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  80. 


1519]  EMBASSY   AND   PRESENTS  15 

neighborhood  of  the  camp.  Here  they  prepared 
various  articles  of  food  for  the  table  of  Cortes  and 
his  officers,  without  any  recompense;  while  the 
common  soldiers  easily  obtained  a  supply  for 
themselves,  in  exchange  for  such  trifles  as  they 
brought  with  them  for  barter.  Thus  the  camp 
was  liberally  provided  with  meat  and  fish  dressed 
in  many  savory  ways,  with  cakes  of  corn,  bananas, 
pine-apples,  and  divers  luscious  vegetables  of  the 
tropics,  hitherto  unknown  to  the  Spaniards.  The 
soldiers  contrived,  moreover,  to  obtain  many  little 
bits  of  gold,  of  no  great  value,  indeed,  from  the 
natives;  a  traffic  very  displeasing  to  the  partisans 
of  Velasquez,  who  considered  it  an  invasion  of  his 
rights.  Cortes,  however,  did  not  think  it  prudent, 
in  this  matter,  to  balk  the  inclinations  of  his  fol- 
lowers.^^ 

At  the  expiration  of  seven,  or  eight  days  at 
most,  the  Mexican  embassy  presented  itself  before 
the  camp.  It  may  seem  an  incredibly  short  space 
of  time,  considering  the  distance  of  the  capital  was 
nearly  seventy  leagues.  But  it  may  be  remem- 
bered that  tidings  were  carried  there  by  means  of 
posts,  as  already  noticed,  in  the  brief  space  of  f  our- 
and-twenty  hours;  ^^  and  four  or  five  days  would 
suffice  for  the  descent  of  the  envoys  to  the  coast, 
accustomed  as  the  Mexicans  were  to  long  and 
rapid  travelling.  At  all  events,  no  writer  states  the 
period  occupied  by  the  Indian  emissaries  on  this 
occasion  as  longer  than  that  mentioned. 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  39.— Gomara,  Crdnica, 
cap.  27,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  ii. 

"Ante,  Book  I,  chap.  2,  p.  44. 


16  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

The  embassy,  consisting  of  two  Aztec  nobles, 
was  accompanied  by  the  governor,  Teuhthle,  and 
by  a  hundred  slaves,  bearing  the  princely  gifts  of 
Montezuma.  One  of  the  envoys  had  been  selected 
on  account  of  the  great  resemblance  which,  as  ap- 
peared from  the  painting  representing  the  camp, 
he  bore  to  the  Spanish  commander.  And  it  is  a 
proof  of  the  fidelity  of  the  painting,  that  the  sol- 
diers recognized  the  resemblance,  and  always  dis- 
tinguished the  chief  by  the  name  of  the  "  Mexican 
Cortes." 

On  entering  the  general's  pavilion,  the  ambas- 
sadors saluted  him  and  his  officers  with  the  usual 
signs  of  reverence  to  persons  of  great  considera- 
tion, touching  the  ground  with  their  hands  and 
then  carrying  them  to  their  heads,  while  the  air 
was  filled  with  clouds  of  incense,  which  rose  up 
from  the  censers  borne  by  their  attendants.  Some 
delicately  wrought  mats  of  the  country  (petates) 
were  then  unrolled,  and  on  them  the  slaves  dis- 
played the  various  articles  they  had  brought. 
They  were  of  the  most  miscellaneous  kind :  shields, 
helmets,  cuirasses,  embossed  with  plates  and  orna- 
ments of  pure  gold;  collars  and  bracelets  of  the 
same  metal,  sandals,  fans,  panaches  and  crests  of 
variegated  feathers,  intermingled  with  gold  and 
silver  thread,  and  sprinkled  with  pearls  and  pre- 
cious stones;  imitations  of  birds  and  animals  in 
wrought  and  cast  gold  and  silver,  of  exquisite 
workmanship;  curtains,  coverlets,  and  robes  of 
cotton,  fine  as  silk,  of  rich  and  various  dyes,  in- 
terwoven with  feather-work  that  rivalled  the  deli- 


1519]  EMBASSY   AND   PRESENTS  17 

cacy  of  painting.^  ^  There  were  more  than  thirty 
loads  of  cotton  cloth  in  addition.  Among  the  ar- 
ticles was  the  Spanish  helmet  sent  to  the  capital, 
and  now  returned  filled  to  the  brim  with  grains  of 
gold.  But  the  things  which  excited  the  most  ad- 
miration were  two  circular  plates  of  gold  and  sil- 
ver, "  as  large  as  carriage-wheels."  One,  repre- 
senting the  sun,  was  richly  carved  with  plants  and 
animals, — no  doubt,  denoting  the  Aztec  century. 
It  was  thirty  palms  in  circumference,  and  was 
valued  at  twenty  thousand  pesos  de  oro.  The  sil- 
ver wheel,  of  the  same  size,  weighed  fifty  marks.^^ 

"  From  the  checkered  figure  of  some  of  these  colored  cottons, 
Peter  Martyr  infers,  the  Indians  were  acquainted  with  chess!  He 
notices  a  curious  fabric  made  of  the  hair  of  animals,  feathers,  and 
cotton  thread,  interwoven  together.  "  Plumas  illas  et  concinnant 
inter  cuniculorum  villos  interque  gosampij  stamina  ordiuntur,  et 
intexunt  operose  adeo,  ut  quo  pacto  id  faciant  non  bene  intellexeri- 
mus."    De  Orbe  Novo  (Parisiis,  1587),  dec.  5,  cap.  10. 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  39. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1.— Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
lib.  3,  cap.  120. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  27,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  ii. — 
Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap. 
5. — Robertson  cites  Bernal  Diaz  as  reckoning  the  value  of  the 
silver  plate  at*  20,000  pesos,  or  about  £5000.  (History  of  America, 
vol.  ii.  note  75.)  But  Bernal  Diaz  speaks  only  of  the  value  of  the 
gold  plate,  which  he  estimates  at  20,000  pesos  de  oro,  different  from 
the  pesos,  dollars,  or  ounces  of  silver,  with  which  the  historian  con- 
founds them.  As  the  mention  of  the  peso  de  oro  will  often  recur 
in  these  pages,  it  will  be  well  to  make  the  reader  acquainted  with 
its  probable  value.  Nothing  is  more  difficult  than  to  ascertain  the 
actual  value  of  the  currency  of  a  distant  age;  so  many  circumstances 
occur  to  embarrass  the  calculation,  besides  the  general  depreciation 
of  the  precious  metals,  such  as  the  adulteration  of  specific  coins, 
and  the  like.  Sefior  Clemencin,  the  Secretary  of  the  Royal  Academy 
of  History,  in  the  sixth  volume  of  its  Memorias,  has  computed  with 
great  accuracy  the  value  of  the  different  denominations  of  the  Span- 
ish currency  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  period  just 
preceding  that  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  He  makes  no  mention 
of  the  peso  de  oro  in  his  tables.    But  he  ascertains  the  precise  value 


18  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

The  Spaniards  could  not  conceal  their  rapture 
at  the  exhibition  of  treasures  which  so  far  sur- 
passed all  the  dreams  in  which  they  had  indulged. 
For,  rich  as  were  the  materials,  they  were  exceeded 
— according  to  the  testimony  of  those  who  saw 
these  articles  afterwards  in  Seville,  where  they 
could  coolly  examine  them — by  the  beauty  and 
richness  of  the  workmanship.^'^ 

When  Cortes  and  his  officers  had  completed 
their  survey,  the  ambassadors  courteously  delivered 
the  message  of  Montezuma.  "  It  gave  their  master 

of  the  gold  ducat,  which  will  answer  our  purpose  as  well.  (Memorias 
de  la  Real  Academia  de  Historia  (Madrid,  1821),  torn.  vi.  Ilust.  20.) 
Oviedo,  a  contemporary  of  the  Conquerors,  informs  us  that  the  peso 
de  oro  and  the  castellano  were  of  the  same  value,  and  that  was 
precisely  one-third  greater  than  the  value  of  the  ducat.  (Hist. 
del  Ind.,  lib.  6,  cap.  8,  ap.  Ramusio,  Navigationi  et  Viaggi  (Vene- 
tia,  1565),  torn,  iii.)  Now,  the  ducat,  as  appears  from  Clemencin, 
reduced  to  our  currency,  would  be  equal  to  eight  dollars  and  seventy- 
five  cents.  The  peso  de  oro,  therefore,  was  equal  to  eleven  dollars 
and  sixty-seven  cents,  or  two  pounds,  twelve  shillings,  and  sixpence 
sterling.  Keeping  this  in  mind,  it  will  be  easy  for  the  reader  to  de- 
termine the  actual  value,  in  pesos  de  oro,  of  any  sum  that  may  be 
hereafter  mentioned.* 

"  "  i  Cierto  cosas  de  ver ! "  exclaims  Las  Casas,  who  saw  them  with 
the  Emperor  Charles  V  in  Seville,  in  1520.  "  Quedaron  todos  los 
que  vieron  aquestas  cosas  tan  ricas  y  tan  bien  artifigiadas  y  ermo- 
sisimas  como  de  cosas  nunca  vistas,"  etc.  (Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
lib.  3,  cap.  120.)  "  Muy  hermosas,"  says  Oviedo,  who  saw  them  in 
Valladolid,  and  describes  the  great  wheels  more  minutely ;  "  todo 
era  mucho  de  ver!"  (Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  loc.  cit.)  The  in- 
quisitive Martyr,  who  examined  them  carefully,  remarks,  yet  more 
emphatically,  "  Si  quid  unquam  honoris  humana  ingenia  in  huiusce- 
modi  artibus  sunt  adepta,  principatum  iure  merito  ista  consequentur. 
Aurum,  gemmasque  non  admiror  quidem,  qua  industria,  quove  studio 
superet  opus  materiam,  stupeo.  Mille  figuras  et  facies  mille  pro- 
spexi  quae  scribere  nequeo.  Quid  oculos  hominum  sua  pulchritudine 
aeque  possit  allicere  meo  iudicio  vidi  nunquam."  De  Orbe  Novo, 
dec.  4,  cap.  9. 

*  [But  Ramirez,  commenting  upon  this  statement,  estimates  the 
castellano  at  $2.93.— M.] 


1519]  EMBASSY   AND    PRESENTS  19 

great  pleasure,"  they  said,  "  to  hold  this  commu- 
nication with  so  powerful  a  monarch  as  the  King 
of  Spain,  for  whom  he  felt  the  most  profound  re- 
spect. He  regretted  much  that  he  could  not  enjoy 
a  personal  interview  with  the  Spaniards,  but  the 
distance  of  his  capital  was  too  great ;  since  the  jour- 
ney was  beset  with  difficulties,  and  with  too  many 
dangers  from  formidable  enemies,  to  make  it  pos- 
sible. All  that  could  be  done,  therefore,  was  for 
the  strangers  to  return  to  their  own  land,  with  the 
proofs  thus  afforded  them  of  his  friendh^  dispo- 
sition." 

Cortes,  though  much  chagrined  at  this  decided 
refusal  of  ]Montezuma  to  admit  his  visit,  concealed 
his  mortification  as  he  best  might,  and  politely  ex- 
pressed his  sense  of  the  emperor's  munificence. 
"  It  made  him  only  the  more  desirous,"  he  said, 
*'  to  have  a  personal  interview  with  him.  He 
should  feel  it,  indeed,  impossible  to  present  him- 
self again  before  his  own  sovereign,  without  hav- 
ing accomplished  this  great  object  of  his  voyage; 
and  one  who  had  sailed  over  two  thousand  leagues 
of  ocean  held  lightly  the  perils  and  fatigues  of  so 
short  a  journey  by  land."  He  once  more  requested 
them  to  become  the  bearers  of  his  message  to  their 
master,  together  with  a  slight  additional  token  of 
his  respect. 

This  consisted  of  a  few  fine  Holland  shirts,  a 
Florentine  goblet,  gilt  and  somewhat  curiously 
enamelled,  with  some  toys  of  little  value,— a  sorry 
return  for  the  solid  magnificence  of  the  royal  pres- 
ent. The  ambassadors  maj'^  have  thought  as  much. 
At  least,  they  showed  no  alacrit\^  in  charging  them- 


20  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

selves  either  with  the  present  or  the  message,  and, 
on  quitting  the  CastiHan  quarters,  repeated  their 
assurance  that  the  general's  application  would  be 
unavailing.^*^ 

The  splendid  treasure,  which  now  lay  dazzling 
the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards,  raised  in  their  bosom 
very  different  emotions,  according  to  the  differ- 
ence of  their  characters.  Some  it  stimulated  with 
the  ardent  desire  to  strike  at  once  into  the  interior 
and  possess  themselves  of  a  country  which  teemed 
with  such  boundless  stores  of  wealth.  Others 
looked  on  it  as  the  evidence  of  a  power  altogether 
too  formidable  to  be  encountered  with  their  pres- 
ent insignificant  force.  They  thought,  therefore, 
it  would  be  most  prudent  to  return  and  report  their 
proceedings  to  the  governor  of  Cuba,  where  prepa- 
rations could  be  made  commensurate  with  so  vast 
an  undertaking.  There  can  be  little  doubt  as  to 
the  impression  made  on  the  bold  spirit  of  Cortes, 
on  which  difficulties  ever  operated  as  incentives, 
rather  than  discouragements,  to  enterprise.  But 
he  prudently  said  nothing,— at  least  in  public,— 
preferring  that  so  important  a  movement  should 
flow  from  the  determination  of  his  whole  army, 
rather  than  from  his  own  individual  impulse. 

Meanwhile  the  soldiers  suffered  greatly  from 
the  inconveniences  of  their  position  amidst  burning 
sands  and  the  pestilent  effluvia  of  the  neighboring 
marshes,  while  the  venomous  insects  of  these  hot 
regions  left  them  no  repose,  day  or  night.    Thirty 

'"Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  121.— Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  39.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS., 
cap.  80.— Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  27,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  ii. 


1519]  EMBASSY   AND   PRESENTS  21 

of  their  number  had  already  sickened  and  died ;  a 
loss  that  could  ill  be  afforded  by  the  little  band. 
To  add  to  their  troubles,  the  coldness  of  the  Mexi- 
can chiefs  had  extended  to  their  followers;  and 
the  supplies  for  the  camp  were  not  only  much  di- 
minished, but  the  prices  set  on  them  were  exorbi- 
tant. The  position  was  equally  unfavorable  for 
the  shipping,  which  lay  in  an  open  roadstead,  ex- 
posed to  the  fury  of  the  first  norte  which  should 
sweep  the  Mexican  Gulf. 

The  general  was  induced  by  these  circumstances 
to  despatch  two  vessels,  under  Francisco  de  Mon- 
te jo,  with  the  experienced  Alaminos  for  his  pilot, 
to  explore  the  coast  in  a  northerly  direction,  and 
see  if  a  safer  port  and  more  commodious  quarters 
for  the  army  could  not  be  found  there. 

After  the  lapse  of  ten  days  the  Mexican  envoys 
returned.  They  entered  the  Spanish  quarters  with 
the  same  formality  as  on  the  former  visit,  bearing 
with  them  an  additional  present  of  rich  stuffs  and 
metallic  ornaments,  which,  though  inferior  in 
value  to  those  before  brought,  were  estimated  at 
three  thousand  ounces  of  gold.  Besides  these, 
there  were  four  precious  stones,  of  a  considerable 
size,  resembling  emeralds,  called  by  the  natives 
chalchuites,  each  of  which,  as  they  assured  the 
Spaniards,  was  worth  more  than  a  load  of  gold, 
and  was  designed  as  a  mark  of  particular  re- 
spect for  the  Spanish  monarch.^^     Unfortunately, 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  40.  — Father  Sahagun 
thus  describes  these  stones,  so  precious  in  Mexico  that  the  use  of 
them  was  interdicted  to  any  but  the  nobles:  "The  chalchuites  are  of 
a  green  color  mixed  with  white,  and  are  not  transparent.  Tliey  are 
much  worn  by  persons  of  rank,  and,  attached  to  the  wrist  by  a 


22  CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO 

they  were  not  worth  as  many  loads  of  earth  in 
Europe. 

Montezuma's  answer  was  in  substance  the  same 
as  before.  It  contained  a  positive  prohibition  for 
the  strangers  to  advance  nearer  to  the  capital,  and 
expressed  his  confidence  that,  now  they  had  ob- 
tained what  they  had  most  desired,  they  would  re- 
turn to  their  own  country  without  unnecessary 
delay.  Cortes  received  this  unpalatable  response 
courteously,  though  somewhat  coldly,  and,  turn- 
ing to  his  officers,  exclaimed,  "  This  is  a  rich  and 
powerful  prince  indeed;  yet  it  shall  go  hard  but 
we  will  one  day  pay  him  a  visit  in  his  capital! " 

While  they  were  conversing,  the  bell  struck  for 
vespers.  At  the  sound,  the  soldiers,  throwing 
themselves  on  their  knees,  offered  up  their  orisons 
before  the  large  wooden  cross  planted  in  the  sands. 
As  the  Aztec  chiefs  gazed  with  curious  surprise, 
Cortes  thought  it  a  favorable  occasion  to  impress 
them  with  what  he  conceived  to  be  a  principal  ob- 
ject of  his  visit  to  the  country.  Father  Olmedo 
accordingly  expounded,  as  briefly  and  clearly  as  he 
could,  the  great  doctrines  of  Christianity,  touching 
on  the  atonement,  the  passion,  and  the  resur- 
rection, and  concluding  with  assuring  his  aston- 
ished audience  that  it  was  their  intention  to  extir- 
pate the  idolatrous  practices  of  the  nation  and  to 
substitute  the  pure  worship  of  the  true  God.  He 
then  put  into  their  hands  a  little  image  of  the  Vir- 
gin with  the  infant  Redeemer,  requesting  them  to 
place  it  in  their  temples  instead  of  their  sanguinary 

thread,  are  a  token  of  the  nobility  of  the  wearer."    Hist,  de  Nueva- 
Espana,  lib,  11,  cap.  8. 


1519]  SPANISH  ENCAMPMENT  23 

deities.  How  far  the  Aztec  lords  comprehended 
the  mysteries  of  the  faith,  as  conveyed  through  the 
double  version  of  Aguilar  and  ]Marina,  or  how  well 
they  perceived  the  subtle  distinctions  between  their 
own  images  and  those  of  the  Roman  Church,  we 
are  not  informed.  There  is  reason  to  fear,  how- 
ever, that  the  seed  fell  on  barren  ground ;  for,  when 
the  homily  of  the  good  father  ended,  they  with- 
drew with  an  air  of  dubious  reserve  very  different 
from  their  friendly  manners  at  the  first  interview. 
The  same  night  every  hut  was  deserted  by  the  na- 
tives, and  the  Spaniards  saw  themselves  suddenly 
cut  oiF  from  supplies  in  the  midst  of  a  desolate 
wilderness.  The  movement  had  so  suspicious  an 
appearance  that  Cortes  apprehended  an  attack 
would  be  made  on  his  quarters,  and  took  precau- 
tions accordingly.     But  none  was  meditated. 

The  army  was  at  length  cheered  by  the  return 
of  Monte  jo  from  his  exploring  expedition,  after 
an  absence  of  twelve  days.  He  had  run  down  the 
Gulf  as  far  as  Panuco,  where  he  experienced  such 
heavy  gales,  in  attempting  to  double  that  head- 
land, that  he  was  driven  back,  and  had  nearly 
foundered.  In  the  whole  course  of  the  voyage  he 
had  found  only  one  place  tolerably  sheltered  from 
the  north  winds.  Fortunately,  the  adjacent  coun- 
try, well  watered  by  fresh,  running  streams,  af- 
forded a  favorable  position  for  the  camp;  and 
thither,  after  some  deliberation,  it  was  determined 
to  repair. ^^ 

"Caraargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.— Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  121. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  40, 
41. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  6.— Gomara,  Cro- 
nica,  cap.  29,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  ii. 


CHAPTER  VII 

TROUBLES  IN  THE  CAMP— PLAN  OF  A  COLONY 
—  MANAGEMENT  OF  CORTES— MARCH  TO  CEM- 
POALLA — PROCEEDINGS  WITH  THE  NATIVES  — 
FOUNDATION  OF  VERA  CRUZ 

1519 

THERE  is  no  situation  which  tries  so  severely 
the  patience  and  discipline  of  the  soldier  as 
a  life  of  idleness  in  camp,  where  his  thoughts,  in- 
stead of  being  bent  on  enterprise  and  action,  are 
fastened  on  himself  and  the  inevitable  privations 
and  dangers  of  his  condition.  This  was  particu- 
larly the  case  in  the  present  instance,  where,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  evils  of  a  scanty  subsistence,  the 
troops  suffered  from  excessive  heat,  swarms  of 
venomous  insects,  and  the  other  annoyances  of  a 
sultry  climate.  They  were,  moreover,  far  from 
possessing  the  character  of  regular  forces,  trained 
to  subordination  under  a  commander  whom  they 
had  long  been  taught  to  reverence  and  obey.  They 
were  soldiers  of  fortune,  embarked  with  him  in 
an  adventure  in  which  all  seemed  to  have  an  equal 
stake,  and  they  regarded  their  captain — the  cap- 
tain of  a  day — as  little  more  than  an  equal. 

There  was  a  growing  discontent  among  the  men 

24 


1519]  TROUBLES  IN  THE  CAMP  25 

at  their  longer  residence  in  this  strange  land. 
They  were  still  more  dissatisfied  on  learning  the 
general's  intention  to  remove  to  the  neighborhood 
of  the  port  discovered  by  Monte  jo.  "  It  was  time 
to  return,"  they  said,  "  and  report  what  had  been 
done  to  the  governor  of  Cuba,  and  not  linger  on 
these  barren  shores  until  they  had  brought  the 
whole  Mexican  empire  on  their  heads!"  Cortes 
evaded  their  importunities  as  well  as  he  could,  as- 
suring them  there  was  no  cause  for  despondency. 
"  Everything  so  far  had  gone  on  prosperously, 
and,  when  thej^  had  taken  up  a  more  favorable  po- 
sition, there  was  no  reason  to  doubt  they  might 
still  continue  the  same  profitable  intercourse  with 
the  natives." 

While  this  was  passing,  five  Indians  made  their 
appearance  in  the  camp  one  morning,  and  were 
brought  to  the  general's  tent.  Their  dress  and 
whole  appearance  were  different  from  those  of  the 
Mexicans.  They  wore  rings  of  gold,  and  gems  of 
bright  blue  stone  in  their  ears  and  nostrils,  while  a 
gold  leaf  delicately  wrought  was  attached  to  the 
under  lip.  Marina  was  unable  to  comprehend 
their  language ;  but,  on  her  addressing  them  in  Az- 
tec, two  of  them,  it  was  found,  could  converse  in 
that  tongue.  They  said  they  were  natives  of  Cem- 
poalla,  the  chief  town  of  the  Totonacs,  a  powerful 
nation  who  had  come  upon  the  great  plateau  many 
centuries  back,  and,  descending  its  eastern  slope, 
settled  along  the  sierras  and  broad  plains  which 
skirt  the  Mexican  Gulf  towards  the  north.  Their 
country  was  one  of  the  recent  conquests  of  the  Az- 
tecs, and  they  experienced  such  vexatious  oppres- 


26  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

sions  from  their  conquerors  as  made  them  ver^y'-  im- 
patient of  the  yoke.  They  informed  Cortes  of 
these  and  other  j)articulars.  The  fame  of  the 
Spaniards  had  reached  their  master,  who  sent  these 
messengers  to  request  the  presence  of  the  wonder- 
ful strangers  in  his  capital. 

This  communication  was  eagerly  listened  to  by 
the  general,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  pos- 
sessed of  none  of  those  facts,  laid  before  the  reader, 
respecting  the  internal  condition  of  the  kingdom, 
which  he  had  no  reason  to  suppose  other  than 
strong  and  united.  An  important  truth  now 
flashed  on  his  mind,  as  his  quick  eye  descried  in  this 
spirit  of  discontent  a  potent  lever,  bj^  the  aid  of 
which  he  might  hope  to  overturn  this  barbaric  em- 
pire. He  received  the  mission  of  the  Totonacs 
most  graciously,  and,  after  informing  himself,  as 
far  as  possible,  of  their  dispositions  and  resources, 
dismissed  them  with  presents,  promising  soon  to 
pay  a  visit  to  their  lord.^ 

Meanwhile,  his  personal  friends,  among  whom 
may  be  particularly  mentioned  Alonso  Hernandez 
Puertocarrero,  Cristobal  de  Olid,  Alonso  de  Avila, 
Pedro  de  Alvarado  and  his  brothers,  were  very 
busy  in  persuading  the  troops  to  take  such  mea- 
sures as  should  enable  Cortes  to  go  forward  in 
those  ambitious  plans  for  which  he  had  no  warrant 
from  the  powers  of  Velasquez.  "  To  return  now," 
they  said,  "  was  to  abandon  the  enterprise  on  the 
threshold,  which,  under  such  a  leader,  must  con- 
duct to  glory  and  incalculable  riches.     To  return 

*  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  41. — Las  Casas,  Hist,  de 
las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  121.— Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  28. 


1519]  PLAN  OF  A  COLONY  27 

to  Cuba  would  be  to  surrender  to  the  greedy  gov- 
ernor the  Httle  gains  they  had  ah*eady  got.  The 
only  way  was  to  persuade  the  general  to  establish 
a  permanent  colony  in  the  country,  the  govern- 
ment of  which  would  take  the  conduct  of  matters 
into  its  own  hands  and  provide  for  the  interests  of 
its  members.  It  was  true,  Cortes  had  no  such  au- 
thority from  Velasquez.  But  the  interests  of  the 
sovereigns,  which  were  paramount  to  every  other, 
imperatively  demanded  it." 

These  conferences  could  not  be  conducted  so  se- 
cretly, though  held  by  night,  as  not  to  reach  the 
ears  of  the  friends  of  Velasquez.^  They  remon- 
strated against  the  proceedings,  as  insidious  and 
disloyal.  They  accused  the  general  of  instiga- 
ting them,  and,  calling  on  him  to  take  measures 
without  delay  for  the  return  of  the  troops  to 
Cuba,  announced  their  own  intention  to  depart, 
with  such  followers  as  still  remained  true  to  the 
governor. 

Cortes,  instead  of  taking  umbrage  at  this  high- 
handed proceeding,  or  even  answering  in  the  same 
haughty  tone,  mildly  replied  "  that  nothing  was 
further  from  his  desire  than  to  exceed  his  instruc- 
tions. He,  indeed,  preferred  to  remain  in  the  coun- 
try, and  continue  his  profitable  intercourse  with 
the  natives.  But,  since  the  army  thought  other- 
wise, he  should  defer  to  their  opinion,  and  give  or- 
ders to  return,  as  they  desired."  On  the  following 
morning,  proclamation  was  made  for  the  troops  to 

'  The  letter  from  the  cabildo  of  Vera  Cruz  says  nothing  of  these 
midnight  conferences.  Bernal  Diaz,  who  was  privy  to  them,  is  a 
suflBcient  authority.    See  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  42. 


28  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  embark  at  once  on 
board  the  fleet,  which  was  to  sail  for  Cuba.'^ 

Great  was  the  sensation  caused  by  their  gen- 
eral's order.  Even  many  of  those  before  clamor- 
ous for  it,  with  the  usual  caprice  of  men  whose 
wishes  are  too  easily  gratified,  now  regretted  it. 
The  partisans  of  Cortes  were  loud  in  their  remon- 
strances. "  They  were  betrayed  by  the  general," 
they  cried,  and,  thronging  round  his  tent,  called 
on  him  to  countermand  his  orders.  "  We  came 
here,"  said  they,  "  expecting  to  form  a  settlement, 
if  the  state  of  the  country  authorized  it.  Now  it 
seems  you  have  no  warrant  from  the  governor  to 
make  one.  But  there  are  interests,  higher  than 
those  of  Velasquez,  which  demand  it.  These  ter- 
ritories are  not  his  property,  but  were  discovered 
for  the  sovereigns ;  ^  and  it  is  necessary  to  plant  a 
colony  to  watch  over  their  interests,  instead  of 
wasting  time  in  idle  barter,  or,  still  worse,  of  re- 
turning, in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  to  Cuba. 

'  Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  30.— Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
lib.  3,  cap.  121.— Ixtlilxocliitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  80.— Bernal 
Diaz,  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. — Declaracion  de  Puertocarrero,  MS.— The  depo- 
sition of  a  respectable  person  like  Puertocarrero,  taken  in  the  spring 
of  the  following  year,  after  his  return  to  Spain,  is  a  document  of 
such  authority  that  I  have  transferred  it  entire,  in  the  original,  to  the 
Appendix,  No.  7. 

*  Sometimes  we  find  the  Spanish  writers  referring  to  "  the  sover- 
eigns," sometimes  to  "the  emperor;"  in  the  former  case  intending 
Queen  Joanna,  the  crazy  mother  of  Charles  V.,  as  well  as  himself. 
Indeed,  all  public  acts  and  ordinances  ran  in  the  name  of  both.  The 
title  of  "  Highness,"  which  until  the  reign  of  Charles  V.  had  usually 
— not  uniformly,  as  Robertson  imagines  (History  of  Charles  V.)  — 
been  applied  to  the  sovereign,  now  gradually  gave  way  to  that  of 
"Majesty,"  which  Charles  affected  after  his  election  to  the  im- 
perial throne.  The  same  title  is  occasionally  found  in  the  corre- 
spondence of  the  Great  Captain,  and  other  courtiers  of  the  reign 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 


1519]  PLAN  OF  A  COLONY  29 

If  you  refuse,"  they  concluded,  "  we  shall 
protest  against  your  conduct  as  disloyal  to  their 
Highnesses." 

Cortes  received  this  remonstrance  with  the  em- 
barrassed air  of  one  by  whom  it  was  altogether  un- 
expected. He  modestly  requested  time  for  delib- 
eration, and  promised  to  give  his  answer  on  the 
following  day.  At  the  time  appointed,  he  called 
the  troops  together,  and  made  them  a  brief  ad- 
dress. "  There  was  no  one,"  he  said,  "if  he  knew 
his  own  heart,  more  deeply  devoted  than  himself 
to  the  welfare  of  his  sovereigns  and  the  glory  of 
the  Spanish  name.  He  had  not  only  expended  his 
all,  but  incurred  heavy  debts,  to  meet  the  charges 
of  this  expedition,  and  had  hoped  to  reimburse 
himself  by  continuing  his  traffic  with  the  Mexi- 
cans. But,  if  the  soldiers  thought  a  different 
course  advisable,  he  was  ready  to  postpone  his  own 
advantage  to  the  good  of  the  state."  ^  He  con- 
cluded by  declaring  his  willingness  to  take  mea- 
sures for  settling  a  colony  in  the  name  of  the  Span- 
ish sovereigns^  and  to  nominate  a  magistracy  to 
preside  over  it.*^ 

^  According  to  Robertson,  Cortes  told  his  men  that  he  had  pro- 
posed to  establish  a  colony  on  the  coast,  before  marching  into  the 
country;  but  he  abandoned  his  design,  at  their  entreaties  to  set  out 
at  once  on  the  expedition.  In  the  very  next  page  we  find  him 
organizing  this  same  colony,  (History  of  America,  vol.  ii.  pp.  241, 
242.)  The  historian  would  have  been  saved  this  inconsistency,  if  he 
had  followed  either  of  the  authorities  whom  he  cites,  Bernal  Diaz 
and  Herrera,  or  the  letter  from  Vera  Cruz,  of  which  he  had  a 
copy.     They  all  concur  in  the  statement  in  the  text. 

^  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  122.— Carta  de 
Vera  Cruz,  MS.— Declaracion  de  Montejo,  MS.— Declaracion  de 
Puertocarrero,  MS. — "Our  general,  after  some  urging,  acquiesced," 
says  the  blunt  old  soldier  Bernal  Diaz ;  "  for,  as  the  proverb  says, 


30  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

For  the  alcaldes  he  selected  Puertocarrero  and 
Monte  jo,  the  former  cavaMer  his  fast  friend,  and 
the  latter  the  friend  of  Velasquez,  and  chosen  for 
that  very  reason ;  a  stroke  of  policy  which  perfectly 
succeeded.  The  regidoreSj  alguacil,  treasurer,  and 
other  functionaries  were  then  appointed,  all  of 
them  his  personal  friends  and  adherents.  They 
were  regularly  sworn  into  office,  and  the  new  city 
received  the  title  of  Villa  Rica  de  Vera  Cruz,  "  The 
Rich  Town  of  the  True  Cross ;  "  a  name  w^hich  was 
considered  as  happily  intimating  that  union  of 
spiritual  and  temporal  interests  to  which  the  arms 
of  the  Spanish  adventurers  in  the  New  World 
were  to  be  devoted.^  Thus,  by  a  single  stroke  of 
the  pen,  as  it  were,  the  camp  was  transformed  into 
a  civil  community,  and  the  whole  frame-work  and 
even  title  of  the  city  were  arranged,  before  the  site 
of  it  had  been  settled. 

The  new  municipality  were  not  slow  in  coming 
together;  when  Cortes  presented  himself,  cap  in 
hand,  before  that  august  body,  and,  laying  the 
powers  of  Velasquez  on  the  table,  respectfully  ten- 
dered the  resignation  of  his  office  of  Captain-Gen- 
eral, "  which,  indeed,"  he  said,  "  had  necessarily 
expired,  since  the  authority  of  the  governor  was 
now  superseded  by  that  of  the  magistracy  of  Villa 
Rica  de  Vera  Cruz."  He  then,  with  a  profound 
obeisance,  left  the  apartment.^ 

'  You  ask  me  to  do  what  I  have  already  made  aip  my  mind  to.' " 
Tu  me  lo  ruegas,  e  yo  me  lo  quiero.     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  43. 

'  According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  the  title  of  "  Vera  Cruz  "  was  intended 
to  commemorate  their  landing  on  Good  Friday.  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista, cap.  42. 

*  Soli's,  whose  taste   for  speech-making  might  have  satisfied  even 


1519]  MANAGEMENT  OF  CORTES  31 

The  council,  after  a  decent  time  spent  in  delib- 
eration, again  requested  his  presence.  "  There  was 
no  one,"  thej^  said,  "  who,  on  mature  reflection, 
appeared  to  them  so  well  qualified  to  take  charge 
of  the  interests  of  the  community,  both  in  peace 
and  in  war,  as  himself;  and  they  unanimously 
named  him,  in  behalf  of  their  Catholic  High- 
nesses, Captain-General  and  Chief  Justice  of  the 
colony."  He  was  further  empowered  to  draw,  on 
his  own  account,  one-fifth  of  the  gold  and  silver 
which  might  hereafter  be  obtained  by  commerce  or 
conquest  from  the  natives.^  Thus  clothed  with 
supreme  civil  and  military  jurisdiction,  Cortes 
was  not  backward  in  asserting  his  authority.  He 
found  speedy  occasion  for  it. 

The  transactions  above  described  had  suc- 
ceeded each  other  so  rapidly  that  the  governor's 
party  seemed  to  be  taken  by  surprise,  and  had 
formed  no  plan  of  opposition.  When  the  last 
measure  was  carried,  however,  they  broke  forth 
into  the  most  indignant  and  opprobrious  invec- 
tives, denouncing  the  whole  as  a  systematic  con- 

the  Abbe  Mably  (see  his  Treatise,  "  De  la  Manifere  d'ecrire  I'His- 
toire"),  has  put  a  very  flourishing  harangue  on  this  occasion  into 
the  mouth  of  his  hero,  of  which  there  is  not  a  vestige  in  any  contem- 
porary account.  (Conquista,  lib.  2,  cap.  7.)  Dr.  Robertson  has 
transferred  it  to  his  own  eloquent  pages,  without  citing  his  author, 
indeed,  who,  considering  he  came  a  century  and  a  half  after  the 
Conquest,  must  be  allowed  to  be  not  the  best,  especially  when  the 
only,  voucher  for  a  fact. 

'  "  Lo  peor  de  todo  que  le  otorgdmos,"  says  Bernal  Diaz,  some- 
what pee\'ishly,  was,  "que  le  dariamos  el  quinto  del  oro  de  lo 
que  se  huuiesse,  despues  de  sacado  el  Real  quinto."  (Hist,  de 
la  Conquista,  cap.  42.)  The  letter  from  Vera  Cruz  says  nothing 
of  this  fifth.  The  reader  who  would  see  the  whole  account  of  this 
remarkable  transaction  in  the  original  may  find  it  in  the  Appendix, 
No.  8. 


32  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

spiracy  against  Velasquez.  These  accusations  led 
to  recrimination  from  the  soldiers  of  the  other 
side,  until  from  words  they  nearly  proceeded  to 
blows.  Some  of  the  principal  cavaliers,  among 
them  Velasquez  de  Leon,  a  kinsman  of  the  gov- 
ernor, Escobar,  his  page,  and  Diego  de  Ordaz, 
were  so  active  in  instigating  these  turbulent  move- 
ments that  Cortes  took  the  bold  measure  of  put- 
ting them  all  in  irons  and  sending  them  on  board 
the  vessels.  He  then  dispersed  the  common  file 
by  detaching  many  of  them  with  a  strong  party 
under  Alvarado  to  forage  the  neighboring  coun- 
try and  bring  home  provisions  for  the  destitute 
camp. 

During  their  absence,  every  argument  that  cu- 
pidity or  ambition  could  suggest  was  used  to  win 
the  refractory  to  his  views.  Promises,  and  even 
gold,  it  is  said,  were  liberally  lavished ;  till,  by  de- 
grees, their  understandings  were  opened  to  a 
clearer  view  of  the  merits  of  the  case.  And  when 
the  foraging  party  reappeared  with  abundance  of 
poultry  and  vegetables,  and  the  cravings  of  the 
stomach — that  great  laboratory  of  disaffection, 
whether  in  camp  or  capital — were  appeased,  good 
humor  returned  with  good  cheer,  and  the  rival  fac- 
tions embraced  one  another  as  companions  in  arms, 
pledged  to  a  common  cause.  Even  the  high-met- 
tled hidalgos  on  board  the  vessels  did  not  long 
withstand  the  general  tide  of  reconciliation,  but 
one  by  one  gave  in  their  adhesion  to  the  new  gov- 
ernment. What  is  more  remarkable  is  that  this 
forced  conversion  was  not  a  hollow  one,  but  from 
this  time  forward  several  of  these  very  cavaliers 


1519]  MANAGEMENT   OF   CORTES  33 

became  the  most  steady  and  devoted  partisans  of 
Cortes/*^ 

Such  was  the  address  of  this  extraordinary  man, 
and  such  the  ascendency  which  in  a  few  months  he 
had  acquired  over  these  wild  and  turbulent  spir- 
its! By  this  ingenious  transformation  of  a  mili- 
tary into  a  civil  community,  he  had  secured  a  new 
and  effectual  basis  for  future  operations.  He 
might  now  go  forward  without  fear  of  check  or 
control  from  a  superior, — at  least  from  any  other 
superior  than  the  cro^^vTi,  under  which  alone  he  held 
his  commission.  In  accomplishing  this,  instead  of 
incurring  the  charge  of  usurpation  or  of  tran- 
scending his  legitimate  powers,  he  had  transferred 
the  responsibility,  in  a  great  measure,  to  those  who 
had  imposed  on  him  the  necessity  of  action.  By 
this  step,  moreover,  he  had  linked  the  fortunes  of 
his  followers  indissolubly  with  his  own.  They  had 
taken  their  chance  with  him,  and,  whether  for  weal 
or  for  woe,  must  abide  the  consequences.  He  was 
no  longer  limited  to  the  narrow  concerns  of  a  sor- 
did traffic,  but,  sure  of  their  co-operation,  might 

*"  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  30,  31. — Las 
Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  122. — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  80.  — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  42. — 
Declaraciones  de  Montejo  y  Puertocarrero,  MSS. — In  the  process  of 
Narvaez  against  Cortes,  the  latter  is  accused  of  being  possessed  with 
the  Devil,  as  only  Lucifer  could  have  thus  gained  him  the  affections 
of  the  soldiery.  (Demanda  de  Narvaez,  MS.)  Soli's,  on  the  other 
hand,  sees  nothing  but  good  faith  and  loyalty  in  the  conduct  of  the 
general,  who  acted  from  a  sense  of  duty !  (Conquista,  lib.  2,  cap.  6, 
7.)  Soil's  is  even  a  more  steady  apologist  for  his  hero  than  his  own 
chaplain,  Gomara,  or  the  worthy  magistrates  of  Vera  Cruz.  A 
more  impartial  testimony  than  either,  probably,  may  be  gathered 
from  honest  Bernal  Diaz,  so  often  quoted.  A  hearty  champion  of 
the  cause,  he  was  by  no  means  blind  to  the  defects  or  the  merits 
of  his  leader. 


34  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

now  boldly  meditate,  and  gradually  disclose,  those 
lofty  schemes  which  he  had  formed  in  his  own 
bosom  for  the  conquest  of  an  empire.^  ^ 

Harmony  being  thus  restored,  Cortes  sent  his 
heavy  guns  on  board  the  fleet,  and  ordered  it  to 
coast  along  the  shore  to  the  north  as  far  as  Chia- 
huitztla,*  the  town  near  which  the  destined  port  of 
the  new  city  was  situated;  proposing,  himself,  at 
the  head  of  his  troops,  to  visit  Cempoalla,  on  the 
march.  The  road  lay  for  some  miles  across  the 
dreary  plains  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  modern 
Vera  Cruz.  In  this  sandy  waste  no  signs  of  vege- 
tation met  their  eyes,  which,  however,  were  occa- 
sionally refreshed  by  glimpses  of  the  blue  Atlan- 
tic, and  by  the  distant  view  of  the  magnificent 
Orizaba,  towering,  with  his  spotless  diadem  of 
snow,  far  above  his  colossal  brethren  of  the  An- 
des.^ ^     As  they  advanced,  the  country  gradually 

"  This  may  appear  rather  indifferent  logic  to  those  who  consider 
that  Cortes  appointed  the  very  body  who,  in  turn,  appointed  him  to 
the  command.  But  the  affectation  of  legal  forms  afforded  him  a 
thin  varnish  for  his  proceedings,  which  served  his  purpose,  for  the 
present  at  least,  with  the  troops.  For  the  future,  he  trusted  to  his 
good  star — in  other  words,  to  the  success  of  his  enterprise— to  \in- 
dicate  his  conduct  to  the  Emperor.     He  did  not  miscalculate. 

^^  The  name  of  the  mountain  is  not  given,  and  probably  was  not 
known,  but  the  minute  description  in  the  MS.  of  Vera  Cruz  leaves 
no  doubt  that  it  was  the  one  mentioned  in  the  text.  "  Entre  las 
quales  asi  una  que  excede  en  mucha  altura  a  todas  las  otras  y  de 
ella  se  vee  y  descubre  gran  parte  de  la  mar  y  de  la  tierra,  y  es  tan 
alta,  que  si  el  dia  no  es  bien  claro,  no  se  puede  divisar  ni  ver  lo 
alto  de  ella,  porque  de  la  mitad  arriba  esta  toda  cubierta  de  nubes: 
y  algunos  veces,  cuando  hace  muy  claro  dia,  se  vee  por  cima  de  las 
dichas  nubes  lo  alto  de  ella,  y  estd  tan  bianco  que  lo  jusgamos  por 
nieve."  (Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS.)  This  huge  volcano  was  called 
Citlaltepetl,  or  "  Star  Mountain,"  by  the  Mexicans, — perhaps  from 

*  [According  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  289,  Quiahuiztlan, 
i.e.,  Rainy  Place.— M.] 


1519]  MARCH    TO   CEMPOALLA  35 

assumed  a  greener  and  richer  aspect.  They 
crossed  a  river,  probably  a  tributary  of  the  Rio  de 
la  Antigua  J  with  difficulty,  on  rafts,  and  on  some 
broken  canoes  that  were  lying  on  the  banks.  They 
now  came  in  view  of  very  different  scenery, — 
wide-rolling  plains  covered  with  a  rich  carpet  of 
verdure  and  overshadowed  by  groves  of  cocoas 
and  feathery  palms,  among  whose  tall,  slender 
stems  were  seen  deer,  and  various  wild  animals 
with  which  the  Spaniards  were  unacquainted. 
Some  of  the  horsemen  gave  chase  to  the  deer,  and 
wounded,  but  did  not  succeed  in  killing  them. 
They  saw,  also,  pheasants  and  other  birds;  among 
them  the  wild  turkey,  the  pride  of  the  American 
forest,  which  the  Spaniards  described  as  a  species 
of  peacock.^  ^ 

On  their  route  they  passed  through  some  de- 
serted villages,  in  which  were  Indian  temples, 
where  they  found  censers,  and  other  sacred  uten- 
sils, and  manuscripts  of  the  agave  fibre,  contain- 
ing the  picture-writing,  in  which,  probably,  their 
religious  ceremonies  were  recorded.  They  now 
beheld,  also,  the  hideous  spectacle,  with  which  they 
became  afterwards  familiar,  of  the  mutilated 
corpses  of  victims  who  had  been  sacrificed  to  the 
accursed  deities  of  the  land.  The  Spaniards 
turned  with  loathing  and  indignation  from  a  dis- 

the  fire  which  once  issued  from  its  conical  summit,  far  above  the 
clouds.  It  stands  in  the  intendancy  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  rises,  ac- 
cording to  Humboldt's  measurement,  to  the  enormous  height  of 
17,368  feet  above  the  ocean.  (Essai  politique,  tom.  i.  p.  265.)  It  is 
the  highest  peak  but  one  in  the  whole  range  of  the  Mexican  Cor- 
dilleras. 

"Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  44. 


36  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

play  of  butchery  which  formed  so  dismal  a  con- 
trast to  the  fair  scenes  of  nature  by  which  they 
were  surrounded. 

They  held  their  course  along  the  banks  of  the 
river,  towards  its  source,  when  they  were  met  by 
twelve  Indians,  sent  by  the  cacique  of  Cempoalla 
to  show  them  the  way  to  his  residence.  At  night 
they  bivouacked  in  an  open  meadow,  where  they 
were  well  supplied  with  provisions  by  their  new 
friends.  They  left  the  stream  on  the  following 
morning,  and,  striking  northerly  across  the  coun- 
try, came  upon  a  wide  expanse  of  luxuriant  plains 
and  woodland,  glowing  in  all  the  splendor  of 
tropical  vegetation.  The  branches  of  the  stately 
trees  were  gayly  festooned  with  clustering  vines 
of  the  dark-purple  grape,  variegated  convolvTili, 
and  other  flowering  parasites  of  the  most  brilliant 
dyes.  The  undergrowth  of  prickly  aloe,  matted 
with  wild  rose  and  honeysuckle,  made  in  many 
places  an  almost  impervious  thicket.  Amid  this 
wilderness  of  sweet-smelling  buds  and  blossoms 
fluttered  numerous  birds  of  the  parrot  tribe,  and 
clouds  of  butterflies,  whose  gaudy  colors,  nowhere 
so  gorgeous  as  in  the  tierra  caliente,  rivalled  those 
of  the  vegetable  creation ;  while  birds  of  exquisite 
song,  the  scarlet  cardinal,  and  the  marvellous 
mocking-bird,  that  comprehends  in  his  own  notes 
the  whole  music  of  a  forest,  filled  the  air  with  de- 
licious melody.  The  hearts  of  the  stern  Conquer- 
ors were  not  very  sensible  to  the  beauties  of  nature. 
But  the  magical  charms  of  the  scenery  drew  forth 
unbounded  expressions  of  delight,  and  as  they 
wandered  through  this  "  terrestrial  paradise,"  as 


1519]  MARCH   TO  CEMPOALLA  37 

they  called  it,  they  fondly  compared  it  to  the  fair- 
est regions  of  their  own  sunny  land/^ 

As  they  approached  the  Indian  city,  they  saw 
abundant  signs  of  cultivation,  in  the  trim  gardens 
and  orchards  that  lined  both  sides  of  the  road. 
They  were  now  met  by  parties  of  the  natives,  of 
either  sex,  who  increased  in  numbers  with  every 
step  of  their  j)rogress.  The  women,  as  well  as 
men,  mingled  fearlessly  among  the  soldiers,  bear- 
ing bunches  and  wreaths  of  flowers,  with  which 
they  decorated  the  neck  of  the  general's  charger, 
and  hung  a  chaplet  of  roses  about  his  helmet. 
Flowers  were  the  delight  of  this  people.  They 
bestowed  much  care  in  their  cultivation,  in  which 
they  were  well  seconded  by  a  climate  of  alternate 
heat  and  moisture,  stimulating  the  soil  to  the  spon- 
taneous production  of  every  form  of  vegetable 
life.    The  same  refined  taste,  as  we  shall  see,  pre- 

"Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  33,  ap.  Barcia,  torn,  ii.  — Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  1.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33, 
cap.  1. — "  Mui  hermosas  vegas  y  riberas  tales  y  tan  hermosas  que  en 
toda  Espana  no  pueden  ser  me j  ores  ansi  de  apayibles  a  la  vista 
como  de  fructiferas."  (Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS.)  The  following 
poetical  apostrophe,  by  Lord  Morpeth,  to  the  scenery  of  Cuba, 
equally  applicable  to  that  of  the  tierra  callente,  will  give  the 
reader  a  more  animated  picture  of  the  glories  of  these  sunny  climes 
than  my  own  prose  can.  The  verses,  which  have  never  been  pub- 
lished, breathe  the  generous  sentiment  characteristic  of  their  noble 
author: 

"  Ye  tropic  forests  of  unfading  green. 

Where  the  palm  tapers  and  the  orange  glows. 
Where  the  light  bamboo  waves  her  feathery  screen, 
And  her  far  shade  the  matchless  ceiba  throws  ! 

"  Ye  cloudless  ethers  of  unchanging  blue, 

Save  where  the  rosy  streaks  of  eve  give  way 
To  the  clear  sapphire  of  your  midnight  hue, 
The  burnished  azure  of  your  perfect  day  ! 

"Yet  tell  me  not  my  native  skies  are  bleak. 

That  flushed  with  liquid  wealth  no  cane-fields  wave; 
For  Virtue  pines,  and  Manhood  dares  not  speak. 
And  Nature's  glories  brighten  round  the  Slave." 


38  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

vailed  among  the  warlike  Aztecs,  and  has  survived 
the  degradation  of  the  nation  in  their  descendants 
of  the  present  day.^^ 

Many  of  the  women  appeared,  from  their  richer 
dress  and  numerous  attendants,  to  be  persons  of 
rank.  They  were  clad  in  robes  of  fine  cotton,  cu- 
riously colored,  which  reached  from  the  neck — in 
the  inferior  orders,  from  the  waist— to  the  ankles. 
The  men  wore  a  sort  of  mantle  of  the  same  mate- 
rial, a  la  Morisca,  in  the  Moorish  fashion,  over 
their  shoulders,  and  belts  or  sashes  about  the 
loins.  Both  sexes  had  jewels  and  ornaments 
of  gold  round  their  necks,  while  their  ears  and 
nostrils  were  perforated  with  rings  of  the  same 
metal. 

Just  before  reaching  the  town,  some  horsemen 
w^ho  had  ridden  in  advance  returned  with  the  amaz- 
ing intelligence  "  that  they  had  been  near  enough 
to  look  within  the  gates,  and  found  the  houses  all 
plated  with  burnished  silver!"  On  entering  the 
place,  the  silver  was  found  to  be  nothing  more 
than  a  brilliant  coating  of  stucco,  with  which  the 
principal  buildings  were  covered;  a  circumstance 
which  produced  much  merriment  among  the  sol- 
diers at  the  expense  of  their  credulous  comrades. 
Such  ready  credulity  is  a  proof  of  the  exalted 
state  of  their  imaginations,  which  were  prepared 
to  see   gold   and   silver   in   every   object   around 

"  "  The  same  love  of  flowers,"  observes  one  of  the  most  delightful 
of  modern  travellers,  "  distinguishes  the  natives  now,  as  in  the  times 
of  Cortes.  And  it  presents  a  strange  anomaly,"  she  adds,  with  her 
usual  acuteness;  "this  love  of  flowers  having  existed  along  with 
their  sanguinary  worship  and  barbarous  sacrifices."  Madame  Cal- 
deron  de  la  Barca,  Life  in  Mexico,  vol.  i.  let.  13. 


1519]  RECEPTION   AT   CEMPOALLA  39 

them.^^  The  edifices  of  the  better  kind  were  of 
stone  and  lime,  or  bricks  dried  in  the  sun;  the 
poorer  were  of  clay  and  earth.  All  were  thatched 
with  palm-leaves,  which,  though  a  flimsy  roof,  ap- 
parently, for  such  structures,  were  so  nicely  inter- 
woven as  to  form  a  very  effectual  protection 
against  the  weather. 

The  city  was  said  to  contain  from  twenty  to 
thirty  thousand  inhabitants.  This  is  the  most 
moderate  computation,  and  not  improbable.^  "^ 
Slowly  and  silently  the  little  army  paced  the  nar- 
row and  now  crowded  streets  of  Cempoalla,  inspir- 
ing the  natives  with  no  greater  wonder  than  they 
themselves  experienced  at  the  display  of  a  policy 
and  refinement  so  far  superior  to  anything  they 
had  witnessed  in  the  New  World.^^  The  cacique 
came  out  in  front  of  his  residence  to  receive  them. 
He  was  a  tall  and  very  corpulent  man,  and  ad- 
vanced leaning  on  two  of  his  attendants.  He 
received  Cortes  and  his  followers  with  great  cour- 
tesy, and,  after  a  brief  interchange  of  civilities, 
assigned  the  army  its  quarters  in  a  neighboring 
temple,  into  the  spacious  court-yard  of  which  a 

'* "  Con  la  imaginacion  que  llevaban,  i  buenos  deseos,  todo  se  les 
antojaba  plata  i  oro  lo  que  relucia."  Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  32,  ap. 
Barcia,  torn.  ii. 

"This  is  Las  Casas'  estimate  (Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap. 
121.)  Torquemada  hesitates  between  twenty,  fifty,  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand,  each  of  which  he  names  at  different  times ! 
(Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  iii.  p.  26,  nota.)  The  place  was 
gradually  abandoned,  after  the  Conquest,  for  others,  in  a  more  fa- 
vorable position,  probably,  for  trade.  Its  ruins  were  visible  at  the 
close  of  the  last  century.  See  Lorenzana,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana, 
p.  39,  nota. 

" "  Porque  viven  mas  politica  y  rasonablemente  que  ninguna  de 
las  gentes  que  hasta  oy  en  estas  partes  se  ha  visto."  Carta  de  Vera 
Cruz,  MS. 


40  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

number  of  apartments  opened,  affording  excellent 
accommodation  for  the  soldiery. 

Here  the  Spaniards  were  well  supplied  with 
provisions,  meat  cooked  after  the  fashion  of  the 
country,  and  maize  made  into  bread-cakes.  The 
general  received,  also,  a  present  of  considerable 
value  from  the  cacique,  consisting  of  ornaments 
of  gold  and  fine  cottons.  Notwithstanding  these 
friendly  demonstrations,  Cortes  did  not  relax  his 
habitual  vigilance,  nor  neglect  any  of  the  precau- 
tions of  a  good  soldier.  On  his  route,  indeed,  he 
had  always  marched  in  order  of  battle,  well  pre- 
pared against  surprise.  In  his  present  quarters, 
he  stationed  his  sentinels  with  like  care,  posted  his 
small  artillery  so  as  to  command  the  entrance,  and 
forbade  any  soldier  to  leave  the  camp  without  or- 
ders, under  pain  of  death.^^ 

The  following  morning,  Cortes,  accompanied 
by  fifty  of  his  men,  paid  a  visit  to  the  lord  of 
Cempoalla  in  his  own  residence.  It  was  a  build- 
ing of  stone  and  lime,  standing  on  a  steep  terrace 
of  earth,  and  w^as  reached  by  a  flight  of  stone  steps. 
It  may  have  borne  resemblance  in  its  structure  to 
some  of  the  ancient  buildings  found  in  Central 
America.  Cortes,  leaving  his  soldiers  in  the  court- 
yard, entered  the  mansion  w4th  one  of  his  officers, 
and  his  fair  interpreter,  Dona  IMarina."''  A  long 
conference  ensued,  from  which  the  Spanish  gen- 
eral gathered  much  light  respecting  the  state  of 

"Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  131.— Carta  de 
Vera  Cruz,  MS. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  33,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  ii. — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1. 

^The  courteous  title  of  dona  is  usually  given  by  the  Spanish 
chroniclers  to  this  accomplished  Indian. 


1519]   PROCEEDINGS  WITH  THE  NATIVES      41 

the  country.  He  first  announced  to  the  chief  that 
he  was  the  subject  of  a  great  monarch  who  dwelt 
beyond  the  waters;  that  he  had  come  to  the  Aztec 
shores  to  abolish  the  inhuman  worship  which  pre- 
vailed there,  and  to  introduce  the  knowledge  of 
the  true  God.  The  cacique  replied  that  their  gods, 
who  sent  them  the  sunshine  and  the  rain,  were 
good  enough  for  them;  that  he  was  the  tributary 
of  a  powerful  monarch  also,  whose  capital  stood 
on  a  lake  far  off  among  the  mountains, — a  stern 
prince,  merciless  in  his  exactions,  and,  in  case  of 
resistance,  or  any  offence,  sure  to  wreak  his  ven- 
geance by  carrying  off  their  young  men  and  maid- 
ens to  be  sacrificed  to  his  deities.  Cortes  assured 
him  that  he  would  never  consent  to  such  enormities ; 
he  had  been  sent  by  his  sovereign  to  redress  abuses 
and  to  punish  the  oppressor ;  ^^  and,  if  the  Toto- 
nacs  would  be  true  to  him,  he  would  enable  them 
to  throw  off  the  detested  yoke  of  the  Aztecs. 

The  cacique  added  that  the  Totonac  territory 
contained  about  thirty  towns  and  villages,  which 
could  muster  a  hundred  thousand  warriors, — a 
number  much  exaggerated.^^  There  were  other 
provinces  of  the  empire,  he  said,  where  the  Aztec 
rule  was  equally  odious ;  and  between  him  and  the 
capital  lay  the  warlike  republic  of  Tlascala,  which 
had  always  maintained  its  independence  of  Mex- 
ico.   The  fame  of  the  Spaniards  had  gone  before 

"■ "  He  had  come  only  to  redress  injuries,  to  protect  the  captive,  to 
succor  the  weak,  and  to  overthrow  tyranny."  (Gomara,  Cronica, 
cap.  33,  ap.  Barcia,  torn,  ii.)  Are  we  reading  the  adventures — it  is 
the  language— of  Don  Quixote  or  Amadis  de  Gaula? 

"  Ibid.,  cap.  36.— Cortes,  in  his  Second  Letter  to  the  Emperor 
Charles  V.,  estimates  the  number  of  fighting-men  at  50,000.  Re- 
lacion  segunda,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  40. 


42  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

them,  and  he  was  well  acquainted  with  their  ter- 
rible victory  at  Tabasco.  But  still  he  looked  with 
doubt  and  alarm  to  a  rupture  with  "  the  great 
Montezuma,"  as  he  always  styled  him;  whose  ar- 
mies, on  the  least  provocation,  would  pour  down 
from  the  mountain  regions  of  the  West,  and,  rush- 
ing over  the  plains  like  a  whirlwind,  sweep  off  the 
wretched  people  to  slavery  and  sacrifice! 

Cortes  endeavored  to  reassure  him,  by  declaring 
that  a  single  Spaniard  was  stronger  than  a  host  of 
Aztecs.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  desirable  to  know 
what  nations  would  co-operate  with  him,  not  so 
much  on  his  account  as  theirs,  that  he  might  dis- 
tinguish friend  from  foe  and  know  whom  he  was 
to  spare  in  this  war  of  extermination.  Having 
raised  the  confidence  of  the  admiring  chief  by  this 
comfortable  and  politic  vaunt,  he  took  an  affec- 
tionate leave,  with  the  assurance  that  he  would 
shortly  return  and  concert  measures  for  their  fu- 
ture operations,  when  he  had  visited  his  ships  in 
the  adjoining  port  and  secured  a  permanent  set- 
tlement there.^^ 

The  intelligence  gained  by  Cortes  gave  great 
satisfaction  to  his  mind.  It  confirmed  his  former 
views,  and  showed,  indeed,  the  interior  of  the  mon- 
archy to  be  in  a  state  far  more  distracted  than  he 
had  supposed.  If  he  had  before  scarcely  shrunk 
from  attacking  the  Aztec  empire,  in  the  true  spirit 
of  a  knight-errant,  w^ith  his  single  arm,  as  it  were, 
what  had  he  now  to  fear,  when  one  half  of  the  na- 

"Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  131.— Ixtlil- 
xochitl.  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  81.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  1. 


1519]   PROCEEDINGS  WITH  THE  NATIVES      43 

tion  could  be  thus  marshalled  against  the  other? 
In  the  excitement  of  the  moment,  his  sanguine 
spirit  kindled  with  an  enthusiasm  which  overleaped 
every  obstacle.  He  communicated  his  own  feel- 
ings to  the  officers  about  him,  and,  before  a  blow 
was  struck,  they  already  felt  as  if  the  banners  of 
Spain  were  waving  in  triumph  from  the  towers  of 
Montezuma!  But  many  a  bloody  field  was  to  be 
fought,  many  a  peril  and  privation  to  be  encoun- 
tered, before  that  consummation  could  be  at- 
tained. 

Taking  leave  of  the  hospitable  Indian,  on  the 
following  da}^  the  Spaniards  took  the  road  to  Chia- 
huitztla,"^  about  four  leagues  distant,  near  which 
was  the  port  discovered  by  Monte  jo,  where  their 
ships  were  now  riding  at  anchor.  They  were  pro- 
vided by  the  cacique  with  four  hundred  Indian 
porters,  tamanes,  as  they  were  called,  to  transport 
the  baggage.  These  men  easily  carried  fifty 
pounds'  weight  five  or  six  leagues  in  a  day.  They 
were  in  use  all  over  the  Mexican  empire,  and  the 
Spaniards  found  them  of  great  service,  hence- 
forth, in  relieving  the  troops  from  this  part  of 
their  duty.  They  passed  through  a  country  of 
the  same  rich,  voluptuous  character  as  that  which 
they  had  lately  traversed,  and  arrived  early  next 
morning  at  the  Indian  town,  perched  like  a  fortress 
on  a  bold,  rocky  eminence  that  commanded  the 
Gulf.    Most  of  the  inhabitants  had  fled,  but  fifteen 

-*  The  historian,  with  the  aid  of  Clavigero,  himself  a  Mexican, 
may  rectify  frequent  blunders  of  former  writers,  in  the  orthography 
of  Aztec  names.  Both  Robertson  and  Solfs  spell  the  name  of  this 
place  Quiabwlan.  Blunders  in  such  a  barbarous  nomenclature  must 
be  admitted  to  be  very  pardonable. 


44  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

of  the  principal  men  remained,  who  received  them 
in  a  friendly  manner,  offering  the  usual  compli- 
ments of  flowers  and  incense.  The  people  of 
the  place,  losing  their  fears,  gradually  returned. 
While  conversing  with  the  chiefs,  the  Spaniards 
were  joined  by  the  worthy  cacique  of  Cempoalla, 
borne  by  his  men  on  a  litter.  He  eagerly  took  part 
in  their  deliberations.  The  intelligence  gained 
here  by  Cortes  confirmed  the  accounts  already 
gathered  of  the  feelings  and  resources  of  the  To- 
tonac  nation. 

In  the  midst  of  their  conference,  they  were  in- 
terrupted by  a  movement  among  the  people,  and 
soon  afterwards  five  men  entered  the  great  square 
or  market-place,  where  they  were  standing.  By 
their  lofty  port,  their  peculiar  and  much  richer 
dress,  they  seemed  not  to  be  of  the  same  race  as 
these  Indians.  Their  dark,  glossy  hair  was  tied  in 
a  knot  on  the  top  of  the  head.  They  had  bunches 
of  flowers  in  their  hands,  and  were  followed  by 
several  attendants,  some  bearing  w^ands  with  cords, 
others  fans,  with  which  they  brushed  away  the  flies 
and  insects  from  their  lordly  masters.  As  these 
persons  passed  through  the  place,  they  cast  a 
haughty  look  on  the  Spaniards,  scarcely  deigning 
to  return  their  salutations.  They  were  immedi- 
ately joined,  in  great  confusion,  by  the  Totonac 
chiefs,  who  seemed  anxious  to  conciliate  them  by 
every  kind  of  attention. 

The  general,  much  astonished,  inquired  of  ^la- 
rina  what  it  meant.  She  informed  him  they  were 
Aztec  nobles,  empowered  to  receive  the  tribute  for 
Montezuma.    Soon  after,  the  chiefs  returned  with 


1519]   PROCEEDINGS  WITH  THE  NATIVES      45 

dismay  painted  on  their  faces.  They  confirmed 
Marina's  statement,  adding  that  the  Aztecs  greatly 
resented  the  entertainment  afforded  the  Spaniards 
without  the  Emperor's  permission,  and  demanded 
in  expiation  twenty  young  men  and  women  for 
sacrifice  to  the  gods.  Cortes  showed  the  strongest 
indignation  at  this  insolence.  He  required  the 
Totonacs  not  only  to  refuse  the  demand,  but  to 
arrest  the  persons  of  the  collectors  and  throw  them 
into  prison.  The  chiefs  hesitated,  but  he  insisted 
on  it  so  peremptorily  that  they  at  length  complied, 
and  the  Aztecs  were  seized,  bound  hand  and  foot, 
and  placed  under  a  guard. 

In  the  night,  the  Spanish  general  procured  the 
escape  of  two  of  them,  and  had  them  brought  se- 
cretly before  him.  He  expressed  his  regret  at  the 
indignity  they  had  experienced  from  the  Toto- 
nacs ;  told  them  he  would  provide  means  for  their 
flight,  and  to-morrow  would  endeavor  to  obtain  the 
release  of  their  companions.  He  desired  them  to 
report  this  to  their  master,  with  assurances  of  the 
great  regard  the  Spaniards  entertained  for  him, 
notwithstanding  his  ungenerous  behavior  in  leav- 
ing them  to  perish  from  want  on  his  barren  shores. 
He  then  sent  the  JNIexican  nobles  down  to  the  port, 
whence  they  were  carried  to  another  part  of  the 
coast  by  water,  for  fear  of  the  violence  of  the  To- 
tonacs. These  were  greatly  incensed  at  the  escape 
of  the  prisoners,  and  would  have  sacrificed  the  re- 
mainder at  once,  but  for  the  Spanish  commander, 
who  evinced  the  utmost  horror  at  the  proposal,  and 
ordered  them  to  be  sent  for  safe  custody  on  board 
the  fleet.    Soon  after,  they  were  permitted  to  join 


46  C0NQUP:ST  of  MEXICO 

their  companions.  This  artful  proceeding,  so 
characteristic  of  the  policy  of  Cortes,  had,  as  we 
shall  see  hereafter,  all  the  effect  intended  on  Mon- 
tezuma. It  cannot  be  commended,  certainly,  as 
in  the  true  spirit  of  chivalry.  Yet  it  has  not 
wanted  its  panegyrist  among  the  national  histo- 
rians !  ^^ 

By  order  of  Cortes,  messengers  were  despatched 
to  the  Totonac  towns  to  report  what  had  been 
done,  calling  on  them  to  refuse  the  payment  of 
further  tribute  to  Montezuma.  But  there  was  no 
need  of  messengers.  The  affrighted  attendants 
of  the  Aztec  lords  had  fled  in  every  direction,  bear- 
ing the  tidings,  which  spread  like  wildfire  through 
the  country,  of  the  daring  insult  offered  to  the 
majesty  of  Mexico.  The  astonished  Indians, 
cheered  with  the  sweet  hope  of  regaining  their  an- 
cient liberty,  came  in  numbers  to  Chiahuitztla,  to 
see  and  confer  with  the  formidable  strangers.  The 
more  timid,  dismayed  at  the  thought  of  encoun- 
tering the  power  of  Montezuma,  recommended  an 
embassy  to  avert  his  displeasure  by  timely  conces- 
sions. But  the  dexterous  management  of  Cortes 
had  committed  them  too  far  to  allow  any  reason- 
able expectation  of  indulgence  from  this  quarter. 
After  some  hesitation,  therefore,  it  was  determined 
to  embrace  the  protection  of  the  Spaniards,  and  to 
make  one  bold  effort  for  the  recovery  of  freedom. 
Oaths  of  allegiance  were  taken  by  the  chiefs  to 
the    Spanish   sovereigns,    and    duly   recorded   by 

^  "  Grande  artifice,"  exclaims  Soli's,  "  de  medir  lo  que  disponia  con 
lo  que  recelaba;  y  prudente  capitan  ^1  que  sabe  caminar  en  alcance 
de  las  contingencias  " !    Conquista,  lib.  2,  cap.  9. 


1519]  FOUNDATION  OF  VERA  CRUZ  47 

Godoy,  the  royal  notary.  Cortes,  satisfied  with  the 
important  acquisition  of  so  many  vassals  to  the 
crown,  set  out  soon  after  for  the  destined  port, 
having  first  promised  to  revisit  Cempoalla,  where 
his  business  was  but  partially  accomplished.^^ 

The  spot  selected  for  the  new  city  was  only  half 
a  league  distant,  in  a  wide  and  fruitful  plain,  af- 
fording a  tolerable  haven  for  the  shipping.  Cortes 
was  not  long  in  determining  the  circuit  of  the 
walls,  and  the  sites  of  the  fort,  granary,  town- 
house,  temple,  and  other  public  buildings.  The 
friendly  Indians  eagerly  assisted,  by  bringing 
materials,  stone,  lime,  wood,  and  bricks  dried  in  the 
sun.  Every  man  put  his  hand  to  the  work.  The 
general  labored  with  the  meanest  of  the  soldiers, 
stimulating  their  exertions  by  his  example  as  well 
as  voice.  In  a  few  weeks  the  task  was  accom- 
plished, and  a  town  rose  up,  which,  if  not  quite 
worthy  of  the  aspiring  name  it  bore,  answered 
most  of  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  intended. 
It  served  as  a  good  point  d'appiii  for  future  op- 
erations ;  a  place  of  retreat  for  the  disabled,  as  well 
as  for  the  army  in  case  of  reverses ;  a  magazine  for 
stores,  and  for  such  articles  as  might  be  received 
from  or  sent  to  the  mother-country ;  a  port  for  the 
shipping;  a  position  of  sufficient  strength  to  over- 
awe the  adjacent  country.^ '^ 

*«  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  81.— Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  40. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  34-36,  ap.  Barcia,  torn, 
ii. — Bernal  Diaz,  Conquista,  cap.  46,  47. — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  10,  11. 

"  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. — Bernal  Diaz,  Conquista,  cap.  48. — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1. — Declaracion  de  Mon- 
tejo,  MS. — Notwithstanding  the  advantages  of  its  situation.  La  Villa 
Rica  was  abandoned  in  a  few  years  for  a  neighboring  position  to 


48  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

It  was  the  first  colony — the  fruitful  parent  of 
so  many  others— in  New  Spain.  It  was  hailed 
with  satisfaction  by  the  simple  natives,  who  hoped 
to  repose  in  safety  under  its  protecting  shadow. 
Alas !  they  could  not  read  the  future,  or  they  would 
have  found  no  cause  to  rejoice  in  this  harbinger 
of  a  revolution  more  tremendous  than  any  pre- 
dicted by  their  bards  and  prophets.  It  was  not  the 
good  Quetzalcoatl  who  had  returned  to  claim  his 
own  again,  bringing  peace,  freedom,  and  civiliza- 
tion in  his  train.  Their  fetters,  indeed,  would  be 
broken,  and  their  wrongs  be  amply  avenged  on  the 
proud  head  of  the  Aztec.  But  it  was  to  be  by  that 
strong  arm  which  should  bow  down  equally  the 
oppressor  and  the  oppressed.  The  light  of  civili- 
zation would  be  poured  on  their  land.  But  it 
would  be  the  light  of  a  consuming  fire,  before 
which  their  barbaric  glory,  their  institutions,  their 
ver}'-  existence  and  name  as  a  nation,  would  wither 
and  become  extinct !  Their  doom  was  sealed  when 
the  white  man  had  set  his  foot  on  their  soil. 

the  south,  not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Antigua.  This  second 
settlement  was  known  by  the  name  of  Vera  Cruz  Vieja,  "  Old  Vera 
Cruz."  Early  in  the  seventeenth  century  this  place,  also,  was  aban- 
doned for  the  present  city,  Nueva  Vera  Cruz,  or  New  Vera  Cruz, 
as  it  is  called.  (See  ante,  chap.  5,  note  8.)  Of  the  true  cause  of 
these  successive  migrations  we  are  ignorant.  If,  as  is  pretended,  it 
was  on  account  of  the  vomito,  the  inhabitants,  one  would  suppose, 
can  have  gained  little  by  the  exchange.  (See  Humboldt,  Essai 
politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  210.)  A  want  of  attention  to  these  changes 
has  led  to  much  confusion  and  inaccuracy  in  the  ancient  maps. 
Lorenzana  has  not  escaped  them  in  his  chart  and  topographical  ac- 
count of  the  route  of  Cortes. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

ANOTHER  AZTEC  EMBASSY— DESTRUCTION  OF  THE 
IDOLS— DESPATCHES  SENT  TO  SPAIN  — CONSPIR- 
ACY IN   THE  CAMP  — THE  FLEET  SUNK 

1519 

WHILE  the  Spaniards  were  occupied  with 
their  new  settlement,  they  were  surprised 
by  the  presence  of  an  embassy  from  Mexico.  The 
account  of  the  imprisonment  of  the  royal  collectors 
had  spread  rapidly  through  the  country.  When 
it  reached  the  capital,  all  were  filled  with  amaze- 
ment at  the  unprecedented  daring  of  the  strangers. 
In  Montezuma  every  other  feeling,  even  that  of 
fear,  was  swallowed  up  in  indignation;  and  he 
showed  his  wonted  energy  in  the  vigorous  prepa- 
rations which  he  instantly  made  to  punish  his  re- 
bellious vassals  and  to  avenge  the  insult  offered  to 
the  majesty  of  the  empire.  But  when  the  Aztec 
officers  liberated  by  Cortes  reached  the  capital  and 
reported  the  courteous  treatment  they  had  received 
from  the  Spanish  commander,  Montezuma's  anger 
was  mitigated,  and  his  superstitious  fears,  getting 
the  ascendency  again,  induced  him  to  resume  his 
former  timid  and  conciliatory  policy.  He  accord- 
ingly sent  an  embassy,  consisting  of  two  youths, 

49 


50  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

his  nephews,  and  four  of  the  ancient  nobles  of  his 
court,  to  the  Spanish  quarters.  He  provided  them, 
in  his  usual  munificent  spirit,  with  a  princely  do- 
nation of  gold,  rich  cotton  stuffs,  and  beautiful 
mantles  of  the  plumaje,  or  feather  embroidery. 
The  envoys,  on  coming  before  Cortes,  presented 
him  with  the  articles,  at  the  same  time  offering 
the  acknowledgments  of  their  master  for  the  cour- 
tesy he  had  shown  in  liberating  his  captive  nobles. 
He  was  surprised  and  afflicted,  however,  that  the 
Spaniards  should  have  countenanced  his  faithless 
vassals  in  their  rebellion.  He  had  no  doubt  they 
were  the  strangers  whose  arrival  had  been  so  long 
announced  by  the  oracles,  and  of  the  same  lineage 
with  himself.^  From  deference  to  them  he  would 
spare  the  Totonacs,  while  they  were  present.  But 
the  time  for  vengeance  would  come. 

Cortes  entertained  the  Indian  chieftains  with 
frank  hospitality.  At  the  same  time,  he  took  care 
to  make  such  a  displaj^"  of  his  resources  as,  while 
it  amused  their  minds,  should  leave  a  deep  impres- 
sion of  his  powTr.  He  then,  after  a  few  trifling 
gifts,  dismissed  them  with  a  conciliatory  message 
to  their  master,  and  the  assurance  that  he  should 
soon  pay  his  respects  to  him  in  his  capital,  where  all 
misunderstanding  between  them  would  be  readily 
adjusted. 

The  Totonac  allies  could  scarcely  credit  their 
senses,  when  they  gathered  the  nature  of  this  in- 
terview.     Notwithstanding   the   presence   of   the 

* "  Teniendo  respeto  d  que  tiene  por  cierto,  que  somos  los  que  sus 
antepassados  les  auian  dicho,  que  auian  de  venir  a  sus  tierras,  6  que 
deuemos  de  ser  de  sus  linajes."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  48. 


1519]  STRICT  DISCIPLINE  51 

Spaniards,  they  had  looked  with  apprehension  to 
the  consequences  of  their  rash  act;  and  their  feel- 
ings of  admiration  were  heightened  into  awe  for 
the  strangers  who,  at  this  distance,  could  exercise 
so  mysterious  an  influence  over  the  terrible  Mon- 
tezuma.^ 

Not  long  after,  the  Spaniards  received  an  ap- 
plication from  the  cacique  of  Cempoalla  to  aid  him 
in  a  dispute  in  which  he  was  engaged  with  a  neigh- 
boring city.  Cortes  marched  with  a  part  of  his 
forces  to  his  support.  On  the  route,  one  Morla, 
a  common  soldier,  robbed  a  native  of  a  couple  of 
fowls.  Cortes,  indignant  at  this  violation  of  his 
orders  before  his  face,  and  aware  of  the  impor- 
tance of  maintaining  a  reputation  for  good  faith 
with  his  allies,  commanded  the  man  to  be  hung  up, 
at  once,  by  the  roadside,  in  face  of  the  whole  army. 
Fortunately  for  the  poor  wretch,  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado,  the  future  conqueror  of  Quiche,  was  present, 
and  ventured  to  cut  down  the  body  while  there 
was  yet  life  in  it.  He,  probably,  thought  enough 
had  been  done  for  example,  and  the  loss  of  a  single 
life,  unnecessarily,  was  more  than  the  little  band 
could  afford.  The  anecdote  is  characteristic,  as 
showing  the  strict  discipline  maintained  by  Cortes 
over  his  men,  and  the  freedom  assumed  by  his  cap- 
tains, who  regarded  him  on  terms  nearly  of 
equality, — as  a  fellow-adventurer  with  themselves. 
This  feeling  of  companionship  led  to  a  spirit  of 
insubordination  among  them,  which  made  his  own 
post  as  commander  the  more  delicate  and  difficult. 

'Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  37.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap. 
82. 


52  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

On  reaching  the  hostile  city,  but  a  few  leagues 
from  the  coast,  they  were  received  in  an  amicable 
manner;  and  Cortes,  who  was  accompanied  by  his 
allies,  had  the  satisfaction  of  reconciling  these  dif- 
ferent branches  of  the  Totonac  family  with  each 
other,  without  bloodshed.  He  then  returned  to 
Cempoalla,  where  he  was  welcomed  with  joy  by 
the  people,  who  were  now  impressed  with  as  favor- 
able an  opinion  of  his  moderation  and  justice  as 
they  had  before  been  of  his  valor.  In  token  of  his 
gratitude,  the  Indian  cacique  delivered  to  the  gen- 
eral eight  Indian  maidens,  richly  dressed,  w^earing 
collars  and  ornaments  of  gold,  with  a  number  of 
female  slaves  to  wait  on  them.  They  were  daugh- 
ters of  the  principal  chiefs,  and  the  cacique  re- 
quested that  the  Spanish  captains  might  take  them 
as  their  wives.  Cortes  received  the  damsels  cour- 
teously, but  told  the  cacique  they  must  first  be 
baptized,  as  the  sons  of  the  Church  could  have  no 
commerce  with  idolaters.^  He  then  declared  that 
it  was  a  great  object  of  his  mission  to  wean  the 
natives  from  their  heathenish  abominations,  and 
besought  the  Totonac  lord  to  allow  his  idols  to  be 
cast  down,  and  the  symbols  of  the  true  faith  to  be 
erected  in  their  place. 

To  this  the  other  answered,  as  before,  that  his 
gods  were  good  enough  for  him;  nor  could  all  the 
persuasion  of  the  general,  nor  the  preaching  of 
Father  Olmedo,  induce  him  to  acquiesce.  INIingled 
with  his  polytheism,  he  had  conceptions  of  a  Su- 

' "  De  buena  gana  recibirian  las  Doncellas  como  fuesen  Chris- 
tianas; porque  de  otra  manera,  no  era  permitido  A  hombres,  hijos 
de  la  Iglesia  de  Dios,  tener  comercio  con  id61atras."  Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  13. 


1519]        DESTRUCTION   OF   THE   IDOLS  53 

preme  and  Infinite  Being,  Creator  of  the  Uni- 
verse, and  his  darkened  understanding  could  not 
comprehend  how  such  a  Being  could  condescend 
to  take  the  form  of  humanity,  with  its  infirmities 
and  ills,  and  wander  about  on  earth,  the  voluntary 
victim  of  persecution  from  the  hands  of  those 
whom  his  breath  had  called  into  existence.^  He 
plainly  told  the  Spaniards  that  he  would  resist  any 
violence  offered  to  his  gods,  who  would,  indeed, 
avenge  the  act  themselves,  by  the  instant  destruc- 
tion of  their  enemies. 

But  the  zeal  of  the  Christians  had  mounted  too 
high  to  be  cooled  by  remonstrance  or  menace. 
During  their  residence  in  the  land,  they  had  wit- 
nessed more  than  once  the  barbarous  rites  of  the 
natives,  their  cruel  sacrifices  of  human  victims,  and 
their  disgusting  cannibal  repasts.^  Their  souls 
sickened  at  these  abominations,  and  they  agreed 
with  one  voice  to  stand  by  their  general,  when  he 
told  them  that  "  Heaven  would  never  smile  on  their 
enterprise  if  they  countenanced  such  atrocities,  and 
that,  for  his  own  part,  he  was  resolved  the  Indian 
idols  should  be  demolished  that  very  hour,  if  it  cost 

*  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  13.— Las  Casas,  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  12x?.— Herrera  has  put  a  very  edifying 
harangue,  on  this  occasion,  into  the  mouth  of  Cortes,  which  savors 
much  more  of  the  priest  than  the  soldier.  Does  he  not  confound 
him  with  Father  Olmedo? 

^ "  Esto  habemos  visto,"  says  the  Letter  of  Vera  Cruz,  "  algunos  de 
nosotros,  y  los  que  lo  han  visto  dizen  que  es  la  mas  terrible  y  la  raa« 
espantosa  cosa  de  ver  que  jamas  han  visto."  Still  more  strongly 
speaks  Bernal  Diaz.  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  51.)  The  Letter 
computes  that  there  were  fifty  or  sixty  persons  thus  butchered  in 
each  of  the  teocallis  every  year;  giving  an  annual  consumption,  in 
the  countries  which  the  Spaniards  had  then  visited,  of  three  or  four 
thousand  victims!  (Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS.)  However  loose  this 
arithmetic  may  be,  the  general  fact  is  appalling. 


64  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

him  his  life."  To  postpone  the  work  of  conversion 
was  a  sin.  In  the  enthusiasm  of  the  moment,  the 
dictates  of  pohcy  and  ordinary  prudence  were 
alike  unheeded. 

Scarcely  waiting  for  his  commands,  the  Span- 
iards moved  towards  one  of  the  principal  teocallis, 
or  temples,  which  rose  high  on  a  pyramidal  foun- 
dation, with  a  steep  ascent  of  stone  steps  in  the 
middle.  The  cacique,  divining  their  purpose,  in- 
stantly called  his  men  to  arms.  The  Indian  war- 
riors gathered  from  all  quarters,  with  shrill  cries 
and  clashing  of  weapons ;  while  the  priests,  in  their 
dark  cotton  robes,  with  dishevelled  tresses,  matted 
with  blood,  flowing  wildly  over  their  shoulders, 
rushed  frantic  among  the  natives,  calling  on  them 
to  protect  their  gods  from  violation !  All  was  now 
confusion,  tumult,  and  warlike  menace,  where  so 
lately  had  been  peace  and  the  sweet  brotherhood 
of  nations. 

Cortes  took  his  usual  prompt  and  decided  meas- 
ures. He  caused  the  cacique  and  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  and  priests  to  be  arrested  by  his 
soldiers.  He  then  commanded  them  to  quiet  the 
people,  for,  if  an  arrow  was  shot  against  a  Span- 
iard, it  should  cost  every  one  of  them  his  life.  JNIa- 
rina,  at  the  same  time,  represented  the  madness  of 
resistance,  and  reminded  the  cacique  that  if  he  now 
alienated  the  affections  of  the  Spaniards  he  would 
be  left  without  a  protector  against  the  terrible  ven- 
geance of  IMontezuma.  These  temporal  consid- 
erations seem  to  have  had  more  weight  with  the 
Totonac  chieftain  than  those  of  a  more  spiritual 
nature.     He  covered  his  face  with  his  hands,  ex- 


1519]         DESTRUCTION   OF   THE   IDOLS  55 

claiming  that  the  gods  would  avenge  their  own 
wrongs. 

The  Christians  were  not  slow  in  availing  them- 
selves of  his  tacit  acquiescence.  Fifty  soldiers,  at 
a  signal  from  their  general,  sprang  up  the  great 
stairway  of  the  temple,  entered  the  building  on 
the  summit,  the  walls  of  which  were  black  with  hu- 
man gore,  tore  the  huge  wooden  idols  from  their 
foundations,  and  dragged  them  to  the  edge  of  the 
terrace.  Their  fantastic  forms  and  features,  con- 
veying a  symbolic  meaning,  which  was  lost  on  the 
Spaniards,  seemed  in  their  eyes  only  the  hideous 
lineaments  of  Satan.  With  great  alacrity  they 
rolled  the  colossal  monsters  down  the  steps  of  the 
pyramid,  amidst  the  triumphant  shouts  of  their 
own  companions,  and  the  groans  and  lamentations 
of  the  natives.  They  then  consummated  the  whole 
by  burning  them  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 
taultitude. 

The  same  effect  followed  as  in  Cozumel.  The 
Totonacs,  finding  their  deities  incapable  of  pre- 
venting or  even  punishing  this  profanation  of  their 
shrines,  conceived  a  mean  opinion  of  their  power, 
compared  with  that  of  the  mysterious  and  for- 
midable strangers.  The  floor  and  walls  of  the  teo- 
calli  were  then  cleansed,  by  command  of  Cortes, 
from  their  foul  impurities;  a  fresh  coating  of 
stucco  was  laid  on  them  by  the  Indian  masons ;  and 
an  altar  was  raised,  surmounted  by  a  lofty  cross, 
and  hung  with  garlands  of  roses.  A  procession 
was  next  formed,  in  which  some  of  the  principal 
Totonac  priests,  exchanging  their  dark  mantles  for 
robes  of  white,  carried  lighted  candles  in  their 


66  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

hands;  while  an  image  of  the  Virgin,  half  smoth- 
ered under  the  weight  of  flowers,  was  borne  aloft, 
and,  as  the  procession  climbed  the  steps  of  the  tem- 
ple, was  deposited  above  the  altar.  Mass  was  per- 
formed by  Father  Olmedo,  and  the  impressive 
character  of  the  ceremony  and  the  passionate  elo- 
quence of  the  good  priest  touched  the  feelings  of 
the  motley  audience,  until  Indians  as  well  as  Span- 
iards, if  we  may  trust  the  chronicler,  were  melted 
into  tears  and  audible  sobs.  The  Protestant  mis- 
sionary seeks  to  enlighten  the  understanding  of  his 
convert  by  the  pale  light  of  reason.  But  the 
bolder  Catholic,  kindling  the  spirit  by  the  splendor 
of  the  spectacle  and  by  the  glowing  portrait  of  an 
agonized  Redeemer,  sweeps  along  his  hearers  in  a 
tempest  of  passion,  that  drowns  everything  like 
reflection.  He  has  secured  his  convert,  however, 
by  the  hold  on  his  aflPections, — an  easier  and  more 
powerful  hold,  with  the  untutored  savage,  than 
reason. 

An  old  soldier  named  Juan  de  Torres,  disabled 
by  bodily  infirmity,  consented  to  remain  and  watch 
over  the  sanctuary  and  instruct  the  natives  in  its 
services.  Cort€s  then,  embracing  his  Totonac  al- 
lies, now  brothers  in  religion  as  in  arms,  set  out 
once  more  for  the  Villa  Rica,  where  he  had  some 
arrangements  to  complete  previous  to  his  depar- 
ture for  the  capital.** 

He  was  surprised  to  find  that  a  Spanish  vessel 
had  arrived  there  in  his  absence,  having  on  board 

•Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  123.  — Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  51,  53. — Goraara,  Cronica,  cap.  43.  — Her- 
rera.  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  13,  14.— Ixtlibtochitl,  Hist. 
Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83. 


1S19]        DESPATCHES    SENT    TO   SPAIN  57 

twelve  soldiers  and  two  horses.  It  was  under  the 
command  of  a  captain  named  Saucedo,  a  cavalier 
of  the  ocean,  who  had  followed  in  the  track  of 
Cortes  in  quest  of  adventure.  Though  a  small, 
they  afforded  a  very  seasonable  body  of  recruits 
for  the  little  army.  By  these  men,  the  Spaniards 
were  informed  that  Velasquez,  the  governor  of 
Cuba,  had  lately  received  a  warrant  from  the 
Spanish  government  to  establish  a  colony  in  the 
newly-discovered  countries. 

Cortes  now  resolved  to  put  a  plan  in  execution 
which  he  had  been  some  time  meditating.  He 
knew  that  all  the  late  acts  of  the  colony,  as  well  as 
his  own  authority,  would  fall  to  the  ground  with- 
out the  royal  sanction.  He  knew,  too,  that  the 
interest  of  Velasquez,  which  was  great  at  court, 
would,  so  soon  as  he  was  acquainted  with  his  seces- 
sion, be  wholly  employed  to  circumvent  and  crush 
him.  He  resolved  to  anticipate  his  movements, 
and  to  send  a  vessel  to  Spain  with  despatches  ad- 
dressed to  the  emperor  himself,  announcing  the 
nature  and  extent  of  his  discoveries,  and  to  obtain, 
if  possible,  the  confirmation  of  his  proceedings. 
In  order  to  conciliate  his  master's  good  will,  he 
further  proposed  to  send  him  such  a  present  as 
should  suggest  lofty  ideas  of  the  importance  of 
his  own  services  to  the  crown.  To  effect  this,  the 
royal  fifth  he  considered  inadequate.  He  con- 
ferred with  his  officers,  and  persuaded  them  to 
relinquish  their  share  of  the  treasure.  At  his  in- 
stance, they  made  a  similar  application  to  the  sol- 
diers; representing  that  it  was  the  earnest  wish 
of  the  general,  who  set  the  example  by  resigning 


58  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

his  own  fifth,  equal  to  the  share  of  the  crown.  It 
was  but  little  that  each  man  was  asked  to  surren- 
der, but  the  whole  would  make  a  present  worthy 
of  the  monarch  for  whom  it  was  intended.  By 
this  sacrifice  they  might  hope  to  secure  his  indul- 
gence for  the  past  and  his  favor  for  the  future;  a 
temporary  sacrifice,  that  would  be  well  repaid  by 
the  security  of  the  rich  possessions  which  awaited 
them  in  Mexico.  A  paper  was  then  circulated 
among  the  soldiers,  which  all  who  were  disposed 
to  relinquish  their  shares  were  requested  to  sign. 
Those  who  declined  should  have  their  claims  re- 
spected, and  receive  the  amount  due  to  them.  No 
one  refused  to  sign;  thus  furnishing  another  ex- 
ample of  the  extraordinary  power  obtained  by 
Cortes  over  these  rapacious  spirits,  who,  at  his  call, 
surrendered  up  the  very  treasures  which  had  been 
the  great  object  of  their  hazardous  enterprise!  ^ 
He  accompanied  this  present  with  a  letter  to 

'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conqiiista,  cap.  53.— IxtlilxochitI,  Hist. 
Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  82.— Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. 

A  complete  inventory  of  the  articles  received  from  Montezuma  is 
contained  in  the  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz. — The  following  are  a  few  of 
the  items. 

Two  collars  made  of  gold  and  precious  stones. 

A  hundred  ounces  of  gold  ore,  that  their  Highnesses  might  see 
in  what  state  the  gold  came  from  the  mines. 

Two  birds  made  of  green  feathers,  with  feet,  beaks,  and  eyes  of 
gold, — and,  in  the  same  piece  with  them,  animals  of  gold  resembling 
snails. 

A  large  alligator's  head  of  gold. 

A  bird  of  green  feathers,  with  feet,  beak,  and  ej'es  of  gold. 

Two  birds  made  of  thread  and  feather-work,  having  the  quills  of 
their  wings  and  tails,  their  feet,  eyes,  and  the  ends  of  their  beaks  of 
gold, — standing  upon  two  reeds  covered  with  gold,  which  are  raised 
on  balls  of  feather-work  and  gold  embroidery,  one  white  and  the 
other  yellow,  with  seven  tassels  of  feather-work  hanging  from  each 
of  them. 


1519]        DESPATCHES   SENT   TO   SPAIN  59 

the  emperor,  in  which  he  gave  a  full  account  of  all 
that  had  befallen  him  since  his  departure  from 
Cuba ;  of  his  various  discoveries,  battles,  and  traffic 
with  the  natives;  their  conversion  to  Christianity; 
his  strange  perils  and  suiFerings;  many  particu- 
lars respecting  the  lands  he  had  visited,  and  such 
as  he  could  collect  in  regard  to  the  great  Mexi- 
can monarchy  and  its  sovereign.  He  stated  his 
difficulties  with  the  governor  of  Cuba,  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  army  in  reference  to  colonization, 
and  besought  the  emperor  to  confirm  their  acts,  as 
well  as  his  own  authority,  expressing  his  entire 
confidence  that  he  should  be  able,  with  the  aid  of 
his  brave  followers,  to  place  the  Castilian  crown 
in  possession  of  this  great  Indian  empire.^ 

This  was  the  celebrated  First  Letter,  as  it  is 
called,  of  Cortes,  which  has  hitherto  eluded  every 

A  large  silver  wheel  weighing  forty-eight  marks,  several  bracelets 
and  leaves  of  the  same  metal,  together  with  five  smaller  shields,  the 
whole  weighing  sixty-two  marks  of  silver. 

A  box  of  feather-work  embroidered  on  leather,  with  a  large  plate 
of  gold,  weighing  seventy  ounces,  in  the  midst. 

Two  pieces  of  cloth  woven  with  feathers;  another  with  variegated 
colors;  and  another  worked  with  black  and  white  figures. 

A  large  wheel  of  gold,  with  figures  of  strange  animals  on  it,  and 
worked  with  tufts  of  leaves;  weighing  three  thousand  eight  hundred 
ounces. 

A  fan  of  variegated  feather-work,  with  thirty-seven  rods  plated 
with  gold. 

Five  fans  of  variegated  feathers, — four  of  which  have  ten,  and  the 
other  thirteen,  rods  embossed  with  gold. 

Sixteen  shields  of  precious  stones,  with  feathers  of  various  colors 
hanging  from  their  rims. 

Two  pieces  of  cotton  very  richly  wrought  with  black  and  white 
embroidery. 

Six  shields,  each  covered  with  a  plate  of  gold,  with  something 
resembling  a  golden  mitre  in  the  centre. 

* "  Una  muy  larga  Carta,"  says  Gomara,  in  his  loose  analysis  of  it. 
Cronica,  cap.  40. 


60  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

search  that  has  been  made  for  it  in  the  hbraries  of 
Europe.'*  Its  existence  is  fully  established  by  ref- 
erences to  it,  both  in  his  own  subsequent  letters,  and 
in  the  writings  of  contemporaries.^*'     Its  general 

'  Dr.  Robertson  states  that  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna  was 
examined  for  this  document,  at  his  instance,  but  without  success. 
(History  of  America,  vol.  ii.  note  70.)  I  have  not  been  more  for- 
tunate in  the  researches  made  for  me  in  the  British  Museum,  the 
Royal  Library  of  Paris,  and  that  of  the  Academy  of  History  at 
Madrid.  The  last  is  a  great  depository  for  the  colonial  historical 
documents;  but  a  very  thorough  inspection  of  its  papers  makes  it 
certain  that  this  is  wanting  to  the  collection.  As  the  emperor  re- 
ceived it  on  the  eve  of  his  embarkation  for  Germany,  and  the 
Letter  of  Vera  Cruz,  forwarded  at  the  same  time,  is  in  the  library 
of  Vienna,  this  would  seem,  after  all,  to  be  the  most  probable  place 
of  its  retreat. 

"  "  By  a  ship,"  says  Cortes,  in  the  very  first  sentence  of  his  Second 
Letter  to  the  Emperor,  "  which  I  despatched  from  this  your  sacred 
majesty's  province  of  New  Spain  on  the  16th  of  July  of  the  year 
1519,  I  sent  your  highness  a  very  long  and  particular  relation  of 
what  had  happened  from  ray  coming  hither  up  to  that  time."  (Rel. 
Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  38.)  "Cortes  wrote,"  says  Bernal 
Diaz,  "  as  he  informed  us,  an  accurate  report,  but  we  did  not  see  his 
letter."  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  53.)  (Also,  Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1,  and  Gomara,  ut  supra.)  Were  it  not 
for  these  positive  testimonies,  one  might  suppose  that  the  Carta 
de  Vera  Cruz  had  suggested  an  imaginary  letter  of  Cortes.  Indeed, 
the  copy  of  the  former  document  belonging  to  the  Spanish  Acad- 
emy of  History — and  perhaps  the  original  at  Vienna — bears  the 
erroneous  title  of  "  Primera  Relacion  de  Cortes."  * 

*  [There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  "  Letter  of  Vera  Cruz  "  is  the 
document  referred  to  by  Cortes,  writing  in  October,  1520,  as  the 
"  muy  larga  y  particular  Relacion  "  which  he  had  "  despatched  "  to 
the  emperor  in  the  summer  of  the  preceding  year.  This  language 
would  not  necessarily  imply  that  the  letter  so  described  bore  his 
own  signature,  while  it  was  a  natural  mode  of  designating  one  of 
which  he  was  the  real  author.  It  is  easy  to  understand  why,  holding 
as  yet  no  direct  commission  from  the  crown,  he  should  have  been  less 
solicitous  to  appear  as  the  narrator  of  his  own  exploits  than  to  give 
them  an  appearance  of  official  sanction  and  cover  up  his  irregularity 
in  not  addressing  his  report  to  Velasquez,  the  official  superior  from 
whose  control  he  was  seeking  to  emancipate  himself.  Nor  is  it  neces- 
sary, in  accepting  this  hypothesis,  to  reject  the  statement  of  Bernal 
Diaz  that  Cortes  sent  to  the  emperor  a  relation  under  his  own  hand 


1519]        DESPATCHES   SENT   TO   SPAIN  61 

purport  is  given  by  his  chaplain  Gomara.  The 
importance  of  the  document  has  doubtless  been 
much  overrated;  and,  should  it  ever  come  to  light, 
it  will  probably  be  found  to  add  little  of  interest 
to  the  matter  contained  in  the  letter  from  Vera 
Cruz,  vi^hich  has  formed  the  basis  of  the  preceding 
portion  of  our  narrative.  Cortes  had  no  sources 
of  information  beyond  those  open  to  the  authors 
of  the  latter  document.  He  was  even  less  full  and 
frank  in  his  communications,  if  it  be  true  that  he 
suppressed  all  notice  of  the  discoveries  of  his  two 
immediate  predecessors.^^ 

The  magistrates  of  the  Villa  Rica,  in  their  epis- 
tle, went  over  the  same  ground  with  Cortes;  con- 
cluding with  an  emphatic  representation  of  the 
misconduct  of  Velasquez,  whose  venality,  extor- 
tion, and  selfish  devotion  to  his  personal  interests, 
to  the  exclusion  of  those  of  his  sovereigns  as  well 
as  of  his  own  followers,  they  placed  in  a  most  clear 
and  unenviable  light.^^     They  implored  the  gov- 

"  This  is  the  imputation  of  Bernal  Diaz,  reported  on  hearsay,  as 
he  admits  he  never  saw  the  letter  himself.  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  54. 

"  "  Fingiendo  mill  cautelas,"  says  Las  Casas,  politely,  of  this  part 
of  the  letter,  "  y  afirmando  otras  muchas  f  alsedades  ^  mentiras " ! 
Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  123. 

which  he  did  not  show  to  his  companions.  It  seems  to  have  been  his 
habit  on  subsequent  occasions,  when  sending  a  detailed  report,  to 
accompany  it  with  a  briefer  and  more  private  letter,  giving  a  sum- 
mary of  what  was  contained  in  the  longer  document,  sometimes 
v/ith  the  addition  of  other  matter,  to  be  read  by  the  emperor  himself. 
One  such  letter,  cited  hereafter  (vol.  iii.  p.  266,  note),  mentions  "una 
relacion  bien  larga  y  particular,"  which  he  was  sending  under  the 
same  date.  That  letters  of  this  kind  should  not  always  have  been 
preserved  can  excite  no  surprise;  but  it  is  highly  improbable  that  the 
same  fate  should  have  befallen  a  full  official  report,  the  first  of  a 
series  otherwise  complete  and  disseminated  by  means  of  copies. — K.] 


62  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

ernment  not  to  sanction  his  interference  with  the 
new  colony,  which  would  be  fatal  to  its  welfare, 
but  to  commit  the  undertaking  to  Hernando 
Cortes,  as  the  man  most  capable,  by  his  experience 
and  conduct,  of  bringing  it  to  a  glorious  termina- 
tion.^^ 

With  this  letter  went  also  another  in  the  name 
of  the  citizen-soldiers  of  Villa  Rica,  tendering 
their  dutiful  submission  to  the  sovereigns,  and  re- 
questing the  confirmation  of  their  proceedings, 
above  all,  that  of  Cortes  as  their  general. 

The  selection  of  the  agents  for  the  mission  was 
a  delicate  matter,  as  on  the  result  might  depend  the 
future  fortunes  of  the  colony  and  its  commander. 
Cortes  intrusted  the  affair  to  two  cavaliers  on 
whom  he  could  rely;  Francisco  de  Monte  jo,  the 
ancient  partisan  of  Velasquez,  and  Alonso  Her- 
nandez de  Puertocarrero.     The  latter  officer  was 

"  This  document  is  of  the  greatest  value  and  interest,  coming  as  it 
does  from  the  best-instructed  persons  in  the  camp.  It  presents  an 
elaborate  record  of  all  then  known  of  the  countries  they  had  visited, 
and  of  the  principal  movements  of  the  army,  to  the  time  of  the 
foundation  of  the  Villa  Rica.  The  writers  conciliate  our  confidence 
by  the  circumspect  tone  of  their  narration.  "  Querer  dar,"  they  say, 
"  a  Vuestra  Magestad  todas  las  particularidades  de  esta  tierra  y 
gente  de  ella,  podria  ser  que  en  algo  se  errase  la  relacion,  porque 
muchas  de  ellas  no  se  han  visto  mas  de  por  informaciones  de  los 
natureles  de  ella,  y  por  esto  no  nos  entremetemos  a  dar  mas  de 
aquello  que  por  muy  cierto  y  verdadero  Vras.  Reales  Altezas  podran 
mandar  tener."  The  account  given  of  Velasquez,  however,  must  be 
considered  as  an  ex-parte  testimony,  and,  as  such,  admitted  with 
great  reserve.  It  was  essential  to  their  own  vindication,  to  vindicate 
Cortes.  The  letter  has  never  been  printed.  The  original  exists,  as 
above  stated,  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna.  The  copy  in  my 
possession,  covering  more  than  sixty  pages  folio,  is  taken  from  that 
of  the  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid.* 

*  [The  letter  has  since  been  printed,  from  the  original  at  Vienna, 
in  the  Col,  de  Doc.  ined.  para  la  Hist,  de  Espaiia,  torn,  i.— K.] 


1519]        DESPATCHES   SENT   TO   SPAIN  63 

a  near  kinsman  of  the  count  of  Medellin,  and  it 
was  hoped  his  high  connections  might  secure  a  fa- 
vorable influence  at  court. 

Together  with  the  treasure,  which  seemed  to 
verify  the  assertion  that  "  the  land  teemed  with 
gold  as  abundantly  as  that  whence  Solomon  drew 
the  same  precious  metal  for  his  temple,"  ^^  several 
Indian  manuscripts  were  sent.  Some  were  of  cot- 
ton, others  of  the  Mexican  agave.  Their  unintel- 
ligible characters,  says  a  chronicler,  excited  little 
interest  in  the  Conquerors.  As  evidence  of  intel- 
lectual culture,  however,  they  formed  higher  ob- 
jects of  interest  to  a  philosophic  mind  than  those 
costly  fabrics  which  attested  only  the  mechanical 
ingenuity  of  the  nation.^ '"^  Four  Indian  slaves 
were  added  as  specimens  of  the  natives.  They  had 
been  rescued  from  the  cages  in  which  they  were 
confined  for  sacrifice.  One  of  the  best  vessels  of 
the  fleet  was  selected  for  the  voyage,  manned  by 
fifteen  seamen,  and  placed  under  the  direction  of 
the  pilot  Alaminos.  He  was  directed  to  hold  his 
course  through  the  Bahama  channel,  north  of 
Cuba,  or  Fernandina,  as  it  was  then  called,  and  on 
no  account  to  touch  at  that  island,  or  any  other  in 
the  Indian  Ocean.  With  these  instructions,  the 
good  ship  took  its  departure  on  the  26th  of  July, 
freighted  with  the  treasures  and  the  good  wishes 

" "  A  nuestra  parecer  se  debe  creer,  que  ai  en  esta  tierra  tanto 
quanto  en  aquella  de  donde  se  dize  aver  llevado  Salomon  el  ore  para 
el  templo."    Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. 

^°  Peter  Martyr,  pre-eminent  above  his  contemporaries  for  the 
enlightened  views  he  took  of  the  new  discoveries,  devotes  half  a 
chapter  to  the  Indian  manuscripts,  in  which  he  recognized  the  evi- 
dence of  a  civilization  analogous  to  the  Egyptian.  I)e  Orbe  Novo, 
dec.  4,  cap.  8. 


64  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

of  the   community   of  the   Villa  Rica   de   Vera 
Cruz. 

After  a  quick  run  the  emissaries  made  the  island 
of  Cuba,  and,  in  direct  disregard  of  orders,  an- 
chored before  Marien,  on  the  northern  side  of  the 
island.  This  was  done  to  accommodate  Monte  jo, 
who  wished  to  visit  a  plantation  owned  by  him  in 
the  neighborhood.  While  oif  the  port,  a  sailor 
got  on  shore,  and,  crossing  the  island  to  St. 
Jago,  the  capital,  spread  everywhere  tidings  of 
the  expedition,  until  they  reached  the  ears  of  Ve- 
lasquez. It  was  the  first  intelligence  which  had 
been  received  of  the  armament  since  its  depar- 
ture ;  and,  as  the  governor  listened  to  the  recital,  it 
would  not  be  easy  to  paint  the  mingled  emotions 
of  curiosity,  astonishment,  and  wrath  which  agi- 
tated his  bosom.  In  the  first  sally  of  passion,  he 
poured  a  storm  of  invective  on  the  heads  of  his 
secretary  and  treasurer,  the  friends  of  Cortes,  who 
had  recommended  him  as  the  leader  of  the  expe- 
dition. After  somewhat  relieving  himself  in  this 
way,  he  despatched  two  fast-sailing  vessels  to 
Marien  with  orders  to  seize  the  rebel  ship,  and,  in 
case  of  her  departure,  to  follow  and  overtake  her. 

But  before  the  ships  could  reach  that  port  the 
bird  had  flown,  and  was  far  on  her  way  across  the 
broad  Atlantic.  Stung  with  mortification  at  this 
fresh  disappointment,  Velasquez  wrote  letters  of 
indignant  complaint  to  the  government  at  home, 
and  to  the  Hieronymite  fathers  in  Hispaniola,  de- 
manding redress.  He  obtained  little  satisfaction 
from  the  latter.  He  resolved,  however,  to  take 
the  matter  into  his  own  hands,  and  set  about  mak- 


1519]  CONSPIRACY   IN   THE    CAMP  65 

ing  formidable  preparations  for  another  squadron, 
which  should  be  more  than  a  match  for  that  under 
his  rebellious  officer.  He  was  indefatigable  in  his 
exertions,  visiting  every  part  of  the  island,  and 
straining  all  his  resources  to  effect  his  purpose. 
The  preparations  were  on  a  scale  that  necessarily 
consumed  many  months. 

Meanwhile  the  little  vessel  was  speeding  her 
prosperous  way  across  the  waters,  and,  after 
touching  at  one  of  the  Azores,  came  safely  into 
the  harbor  of  St.  Lucar,  in  the  month  of  October. 
However  long  it  may  appear  in  the  more  perfect 
nautical  science  of  our  day,  it  was  reckoned  a  fair 
voyage  for  that.  Of  what  befell  the  commission- 
ers on  their  arrival,  their  reception  at  court,  and 
the  sensation  caused  by  their  intelligence,  I  defer 
the  account  to  a  future  chapter.^  ^ 

Shortly  after  the  departure  of  the  commission- 
ers, an  affair  occurred  of  a  most  unpleasant  na- 
ture. A  number  of  persons,  with  the  priest  Juan 
Diaz  at  their  head,  ill-affected,  from  some  cause 
or  other,  towards  the  administration  of  Cortes, 
or  not  relishing  the  hazardous  expedition  before 
them,  laid  a  plan  to  seize  one  of  the  vessels,  make 
the  best  of  their  way  to  Cuba,  and  report  to  the 
governor  the  fate  of  the  armament.  It  was  con- 
ducted with  so  much  secrecy  that  the  party  had 
got  their  provisions,  water,  and  everjiihing  neces- 

^'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  54-57. — Gomara,  Cro- 
nica,  cap.  40. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  14. — Carta 
de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. — Martyr's  copious  information  was  chiefly  de- 
rived from  his  conversations  with  Alaminos  and  the  two  envoys,  on 
their  arrival  at  court.  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  4,  cap.  6,  et  alibi;  also 
Idem,  Opus  Epistolarum  (Amstelodami,  1670),  ep.  650. 


66  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

sary  for  the  voyage,  on  board,  without  detection; 
when  the  conspiracy  was  betrayed,  on  the  very 
night  they  were  to  sail,  by  one  of  their  own  num- 
ber, who  repented  the  part  he  had  taken  in  it.  The 
general  caused  the  persons  implicated  to  be  in- 
stantly apprehended.  An  examination  was  insti- 
tuted. The  guilt  of  the  parties  was  placed  beyond 
a  doubt.  Sentence  of  death  was  passed  on  two 
of  the  ringleaders;  another,  the  pilot,  was  con- 
demned to  lose  his  feet,  and  several  others  to  be 
whipped.  The  priest,  probably  the  most  guilty  of 
the  whole,  claiming  the  usual  benefit  of  clergy,  was 
permitted  to  escape.  One  of  those  condemned  to 
the  gallows  was  named  Escudero,  the  very  algua- 
cil  who,  the  reader  may  remember,  so  stealthily 
apprehended  Cortes  befor,e  the  sanctuary  in 
Cuba.^^  The  general,  on  signing  the  death-war- 
rants, was  heard  to  exclaim,  "  Would  that  I  had 
never  learned  to  write!  "  It  was  not  the  first  time, 
it  was  remarked,  that  the  exclamation  had  been  ut- 
tered in  similar  circumstances.^^ 

The  arrangements  being  now  finally  settled  at 
the  Villa  Rica,  Cortes  sent  forward  Alvarado,  with 
a  large  part  of  the  army,  to  Cempoalla,  where  he 
soon  after  joined  them  with  the  remainder.  The 
late  affair  of  the  conspiracy  seems  to  have  made  a 
deep  impression  on  his  mind.    It  showed  him  that 

"  See  Vol.  I,  p.  306. 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  57.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  2.— Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
lib.  3,  cap.  122.— Demanda  de  Xarvaez,  MS.— Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  41. — It  was  the  exclamation  of  Nero,  as  reported 
by  Suetonius.  "  Et  cum  de  supplicio  cujusdam  capite  damnati  ut  ex 
more  subscriberet,  admoneretur,  '  Quam  vellem,'  inquit,  '  nescire 
literas ! '  "    Lib.  6,  cap.  10. 


1519]  CONSPIRACY   IN    THE   CAMP  67 

there  were  timid  spirits  in  the  camp  on  whom  he 
could  not  rely,  and  who,  he  feared,  might  spread 
the  seeds  of  disaffection  among  their  companions. 
Even  the  more  resolute,  on  any  occasion  of  disgust 
or  disappointment  hereafter,  might  falter  in  pur- 
pose, and,  getting  possession  of  the  vessels,  aban- 
don the  enterprise.  This  was  already  too  vast,  and 
the  odds  were  too  formidable,  to  authorize  expec- 
tation of  success  with  diminution  of  numbers. 
Experience  showed  that  this  was  always  to  be  ap- 
prehended while  means  of  escape  were  at  hand/^ 
The  best  chance  for  success  was  to  cut  off  these 
means.  He  came  to  the  daring  resolution  to  de- 
stroy the  fleet,  without  the  knowledge  of  his  army. 
When  arrived  at  Cempoalla,  he  communicated 
his  design  to  a  few  of  his  devoted  adherents, 
who  entered  warmly  into  his  views.  Through 
them  he  readily  persuaded  the  pilots,  by  means 
of  those  golden  arguments  which  weigh  more  than 
any  other  with  ordinary  minds,  to  make  such  a  re- 
port of  the  condition  of  the  fleet  as  suited  his  pur- 
pose. The  ships,  they  said,  were  grievously  racked 
by  the  heavy  gales  they  had  encountered,  and, 
what  was  worse,  the  worms  had  eaten  into  their 
sides  and  bottoms  until  most  of  them  were  not 
seaworthy,  and  some,  indeed,  could  scarcely  now 
be  kept  afloat. 


^^ "  Y  porque,"  says  Cortes,  "  demas  de  los  que  por  ser  criados  y 
amigos  de  Diego  Velasquez  tenian  voluntad  de  salir  de  la  Tierra, 
habia  otros,  que  por  verla  tan  grande,  y  de  tanta  gente,  y  tal,  y 
ver  los  pocos  Espanoles  que  eramos,  estaban  del  mismo  proposito; 
creyendo,  que  si  alii  los  navios  dejasse,  se  me  alzarian  con  ellos,  y 
ydndose  todos  los  que  de  esta  voluntad  estavan,  yo  quedaria  casi 
solo." 


68  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

Cortes  received  the  communication  with  sur- 
prise ;  "  for  he  could  well  dissemble,"  observes  Las 
Casas,  with  his  usual  friendly  comment,  "  when 
it  suited  his  interests."  "  If  it  be  so,"  he  exclaimed, 
*'  we  must  make  the  best  of  it!  Heaven's  will  be 
done!  "  ^"  He  then  ordered  five  of  the  worst  con- 
ditioned to  be  dismantled,  their  cordage,  sails,  iron, 
and  whatever  was  movable,  to  be  brought  on  shore, 
and  the  ships  to  be  sunk.  A  survey  was  made  of 
the  others,  and,  on  a  similar  report,  four  more  were 
condemned  in  the  same  manner.  Only  one  small 
vessel  remained! 

When  the  intelligence  reached  the  troops  in 
Cempoalla,  it  caused  the  deepest  consternation. 
They  saw  themselves  cut  off  by  a  single  blow  from 
friends,  family,  country!  The  stoutest  hearts 
quailed  before  the  prospect  of  being  thus  aban- 
doned on  a  hostile  shore,  a  handful  of  men  arrayed 
against  a  formidable  empire.  When  the  news  ar- 
rived of  the  destruction  of  the  five  vessels  first 
condemned,  they  had  acquiesced  in  it  as  a  neces- 
sary measure,  knowing  the  mischievous  activity 
of  the  insects  in  these  tropical  seas.  But,  when 
this  was  followed  by  the  loss  of  the  remaining  four, 
suspicions  of  the  truth  flashed  on  their  minds. 
They  felt  they  were  betrayed.  Murmurs,  at  first 
deep,  swelled  louder  and  louder,  menacing  open 
mutiny.  "  Their  general,"  they  said,  "  had  led 
them   like   cattle  to  be   butchered   in   the   sham- 

"  "  Mostr6  quando  se  lo  dix^ron  mucho  sentimiento  Cortes,  porque 
savia  bien  ha^er  fingimientos  quando  le  era  provechoso,  y  rrespondio- 
les  que  mirasen  vien  en  ello,  e  que  si  no  estavan  para  navegar  que 
diesen  gracias  a  Dios  por  ello,  pues  no  se  podia  hacer  mas."  Las 
Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  132. 


1519]  THE   FLEET   SUNK  69 

bles !  "  ^^  The  affair  wore  a  most  alarming  aspect. 
In  no  situation  was  Cortes  ever  exposed  to  greater 
danger  from  his  soldiers.^^ 

His  presence  of  mind  did  not  desert  him  at  this 
crisis.  He  called  his  men  together,  and,  employ- 
ing the  tones  of  persuasion  rather  than  authority, 
assured  them  that  a  survey  of  the  ships  showed 
they  were  not  fit  for  service.  If  he  had  ordered 
them  to  be  destroyed,  they  should  consider,  also, 
that  his  was  the  greatest  sacrifice,  for  they  were 
his  projDerty,— all,  indeed,  he  possessed  in  the 
world.  The  troops,  on  the  other  hand,  w^ould  de- 
rive one  great  advantage  from  it,  by  the  addition 
of  a  hundred  able-bodied  recruits,  before  required 
to  man  the  vessels.  But,  even  if  the  fleet  had  been 
saved,  it  could  have  been  of  little  service  in  their 
present  expedition;  since  they  would  not  need  it 
if  they  succeeded,  while  they  would  be  too  far  in 
the  interior  to  profit  by  it  if  they  failed.  He  be- 
sought them  to  turn  their  thoughts  in  another  direc- 
tion. To  be  thus  calculating  chances  and  means 
of  escape  was  unworthy  of  brave  souls.  They 
had  set  their  hands  to  the  work;  to  look  back, 
as  the}''  advanced,  would  be  their  ruin.  They  had 
only  to  resume  their  former  confidence  in  them- 
selves and  their  general,  and  success  was  certain. 
"  As  for  me,"  he  concluded,  "  I  have  chosen  my 
part.    I  will  remain  here,  while  there  is  one  to  bear 

^* "  Decian,  que  los  queria  meter  en  el  matadero."  Gomara,  Cr6- 
nica,  cap.  i2. 

^^ "  Al  cavo  lo  ovieron  de  sentir  la  gente  y  ayna  se  le  amotinaran 
muchos,  y  esta  fue  uno  de  los  peligros  que  pasaron  por  Cortes  de 
muchos  que  para  matallo  de  los  mismos  Espanoles  estuvo."  Las 
Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  122. 


70  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

me  company.  If  there  be  any  so  craven  as  to 
shrink  from  sharing  the  dangers  of  our  glorious 
enterprise,  let  them  go  home,  in  God's  name. 
There  is  still  one  vessel  left.  Let  them  take  that 
and  return  to  Cuba.  They  can  tell  there  how  they 
deserted  their  commander  and  their  comrades,  and 
patiently  wait  till  we  return  loaded  with  the  spoils 
of  the  Aztecs."  ^'' 

The  politic  orator  had  touched  the  right  chord  in 
the  bosoms  of  the  soldiers.  As  he  spoke,  their  re- 
sentment gradually  died  away.  The  faded  visions 
of  future  riches  and  glory,  rekindled  by  his  elo- 
quence, again  floated  before  their  imaginations. 
The  first  shock  over,  they  felt  ashamed  of  their 
temporary  distrust.  The  enthusiasm  for  their 
leader  revived,  for  they  felt  that  under  his  banner 
only  they  could  hope  for  victory;  and,  as  he  con- 
cluded, they  testified  the  revulsion  of  their  feel- 
ings by  making  the  air  ring  with  their  shouts,  "  To 
Mexico!  to  Mexico! " 

The  destruction  of  his  fleet  by  Cortes  is,  per- 
haps, the  most  remarkable  passage  in  the  life  of 
this  remarkable  man.  History,  indeed,  aiFords 
examples  of  a  similar  expedient  in  emergencies 
somewhat  similar;  but  none  where  the  chances  of 
success  were  so  precarious  and  defeat  would  be 
so  disastrous.^^    Had  he  failed,  it  might  well  seem 

"  "  Que  ninguno  seria  tan  cobarde  y  tan  pusilanime  que  queria 
estimar  su  vida  mas  que  la  suya,  ni  de  tan  debil  corazon  que  dudase 
de  ir  con  el  d  Mexico,  donde  tanto  bien  le  estaba  aparejado,  y  que  si 
acaso  se  determinaba  alguno  de  dejar  de  hacer  este  se  podia  ir  ben- 
dito  de  Dios  d  Cuba  en  el  navio  que  habia  dexado,  de  que  antes  de 
mucho  se  arrepentiria,  y  pelaria  las  barbas,  viendo  la  buena  ventura 
que  esperaba  le  sucederia."     Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  S-2. 

"  Perhaps  the  most  remarkable  of  these  examples  is  that  of  Julian, 


1519]  THE  FLEET   SUNK  71 

an  act  of  madness.  Yet  it  was  the  fruit  of  delib- 
erate calculation.  He  had  set  fortune,  fame,  life 
itself,  all  upon  the  cast,  and  must  abide  the  issue. 
There  was  no  alternative  in  his  mind  but  to  suc- 
ceed or  perish.  The  measure  he  adopted  greatly 
increased  the  chance  of  success.  But  to  carry  it 
into  execution,  in  the  face  of  an  incensed  and  des- 
perate soldiery,  was  an  act  of  resolution  that  has 
few  parallels  in  history.^^ 

who,  in  his  unfortunate  Assyrian  invasion,  burnt  the  fleet  which  had 
carried  him  up  the  Tigris.  The  story  is  told  by  Gibbon,  who  shows 
very  satisfactorily  that  the  fleet  would  have  proved  a  hinderance 
rather  than  a  help  to  the  emperor  in  his  further  progress.  See  His- 
tory of  the  Decline  and  Fall,  vol,  ix.  p.  177,  of  Milraan's  excellent 
edition. 

"  The  account  given  in  the  text  of  the  destruction  of  the  fleet  is 
not  that  of  Bernal  Diaz,  who  states  it  to  have  been  accomplished 
not  only  with  the  knowledge,  but  entire  approbation  of  the  army, 
though  at  the  suggestion  of  Cortes.  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap. 
58.)  This  version  is  sanctioned  by  Dr.  Robertson  (History  of 
America,  vol.  ii.  pp.  253,  254.)  One  should  be  very  slow  to  depart 
from  the  honest  record  of  the  old  soldier,  especially  when  confirmed 
by  the  discriminating  judgment  of  the  Historian  of  America.  But 
Cortes  expressly  declares  in  his  letter  to  the  emperor  that  he 
ordered  the  vessels  to  be  sunk,  without  the  knowledge  of  his  men, 
from  the  apprehension  that,  if  the  means  of  escape  were  open,  the 
timid  and  disaffected  might  at  some  future  time  avail  themselves  of 
them.  (Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  41.)  The  cavaliers 
Montejo  and  Puertocarrero,  on  their  visit  to  Spain,  stated,  in  their 
depositions,  that  the  general  destroyed  the  fleet  on  information  re- 
ceived from  the  pilots.  (Declaraciones,  MSS.)  Narvaez  in  his 
accusation  of  Cortes,  and  Las  Casas,  speak  of  the  act  in  terms 
of  unqualified  reprobation,  charging  him,  moreover,  with  bribing 
the  pilots  to  bore  holes  in  the  bottoms  of  the  ships  in  order  to 
disable  them.  (Demanda  de  Narvaez,  MS. — Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
lib.  3,  cap.  132.)  The  same  account  of  the  transaction,  though  with 
a  very  diff^erent  commentary  as  to  its  merits,  is  repeated  by  Oviedo 
(Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  2),  Gomara  (Cr6nica,  cap.  42), 
and  Peter  Martyr  (De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  1),  all  of  whom  had 
access  to  the  best  sources  of  information.  The  affair,  so  remarkable 
as  the  act  of  one  individual,  becomes  absolutely  incredible  when 
considered  as  the  result  of  so  many  independent  wills.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  Bernal  Diaz,  from  his  known  devotion  to  the  cause. 


72  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

may  have  been  one  of  the  few  to  whom  Cortes  confided  his  purpose. 
The  veteran,  in  writing  his  narrative,  many  years  after,  may  have 
mistaken  a  part  for  the  whole,  and  in  his  zeal  to  secure  to  the  army 
a  full  share  of  the  glory  of  the  expedition,  too  exclusively  appro- 
priated by  the  general  (a  great  object,  as  he  tells  us,  of  his  history), 
may  have  distributed  among  his  comrades  the  credit  of  an  exploit 
which,  in  this  instance,  at  least,  properly  belonged  to  their  com- 
mander. Whatever  be  the  cause  of  the  discrepancy,  his  solitary 
testimony  can  hardly  be  sustained  against  the  weight  of  contem- 
porary evidence  from  such  competent  sources.* 

*  [Prescott's  account  of  the  circumstances  attending  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  fleet  has  been  contested  at  great  length  by  Seiior  Ramirez, 
who  insists  on  accepting  the  statements  of  Bernal  Diaz  without 
qualification  and  ascribing  to  the  army  an  equal  share  with  the 
general  in  the  merit  of  the  act.  He  remarks  with  truth  that  the 
language  of  Cortfe — "  Tuve  manera,  como  so  color  que  los  dichos 
navios  no  estaban  para  navegar,  los  eche  a  la  costa  " — contains  no 
express  declaration,  as  stated  by  Prescott,  that  the  order  for  the 
fleet  to  be  sunk  was  given  without  the  knowledge  of  the  army,  but 
would,  at  the  most,  lead  to  an  inference  to  that  effect.  "  Nor  can 
even  this,"  he  adds,  "  be  admitted,  since,  in  order  to  persuade  the 
soldiers  that  the  ships  were  unfit  for  sailing,  he  must  have  had  an 
understanding  with  the  mariners  who  were  to  make  the  statement, 
and  with  his  friends  who  were  to  confirm  it."  This  is,  however,  very 
ineflScient  reasoning.  It  is  not  pretended  that  Cortes  had  no  confi- 
dants and  agents  in  the  transaction.  The  question  of  real  impor- 
tance is.  Was  the  resolution  taken,  as  Bernal  Diaz  asserts,  openly 
and  by  the  advice  of  the  whole  army, — "  claramente,  por  consejo 
de  todos  los  demas  soldados "?— or  was  it  formed  by  Cortes, 
and  were  measures  taken  for  giving  eifect  to  it,  without  any  com- 
munication with  the  mass  of  his  followers?  The  newly  discovered 
relation  of  Tapia  is  cited  by  Seiior  Ramirez  as  "  in  perfect  accor- 
dance with  the  testimony  of  Diaz  and  destructive  of  every  supposition 
of  mystery  and  secrecy."  Yet  Tdpia  says,  with  Herrera,  that  Cortes 
caused  holes  to  be  bored  in  the  ships  and  their  unserviceable  con- 
dition to  be  reported  to  him,  and  thereupon  gave  orders  for  their 
destruction;  no  mention  being  made  of  the  concurrence  of  the  sol- 
diers at  any  stage  of  the  proceedings.— K.] 

Fray  Bartolome  de  las  Casas,  Bishop  of  Chiapa,  whose  "  History 
of  the  Indies  "  forms  an  important  authority  for  the  preceding  pages, 
was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the  sixteenth  century.  He 
was  born  at  Seville  in  1474.  His  father  accompanied  Columbus,  as 
a  common  soldier,  in  his  first  voyage  to  the  New  World;  and  he 
acquired  wealth  enough  by  his  vocation  to  place  his  son  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Salamanca.  During  his  residence  there,  he  was  attended 
by  an  Indian  page,  whom  his  father  had  brought  with  him  from  His- 
paniola.     Thus   the   uncompromising   advocate    for    freedom    began 


1502]  LAS    CASAS  73 

his  career  as  the  owner  of  a  slave  himself.  But  he  did  not  long 
remain  so,  for  his  slave  was  one  of  those  subsequently  liberated  by 
the  generous  commands  of  Isabella. 

In  1498  he  completed  his  studies  in  law  and  divinity,  took  his 
degree  of  licentiate,  and  in  1502  accompanied  Oviedo,  in  the  most 
brilliant  armada  which  had  been  equipped  for  the  Western  World. 
Eight  years  after,  he  was  admitted  to  priest's  orders  in  St.  Domingo, 
an  event  somewhat  memorable,  since  he  was  the  first  person  conse- 
crated in  that  holy  oflSce  in  the  colonies.  On  the  occupation  of  Cuba 
by  the  Spaniards,  Las  Casas  passed  over  to  that  island,  where  he 
obtained  a  curacy  in  a  small  settlement.  He  soon,  however,  made 
himself  known  to  the  governor,  Velasquez,  by  the  fidelity  with  which 
he  discharged  his  duties,  and  especially  by  the  influence  which  his 
mild  and  benevolent  teaching  obtained  for  him  over  the  Indians. 
Through  his  intimacy  with  the  governor.  Las  Casas  had  the  means 
of  ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  conquered  race,  and  from  this 
time  he  may  be  said  to  have  consecrated  all  his  energies  to  this  one 
great  object.  At  this  period,  the  scheme  of  repartimientos,  intro- 
duced soon  after  the  discoveries  of  Columbus,  was  in  full  operation, 
and  the  aboriginal  population  of  the  islands  was  rapidly  melting 
away  under  a  system  of  oppression  which  has  been  seldom  paralleled 
in  the  annals  of  mankind.  Las  Casas,  outraged  at  the  daily  exhibi- 
tion of  crime  and  misery,  returned  to  Spain  to  obtain  some  redress 
from  government.  Ferdinand  died  soon  after  his  arrival.  Charles 
was  absent,  but  the  reins  were  held  by  Cardinal  Ximenes,  who  lis- 
tened to  the  complaints  of  the  benevolent  missionary,  and,  with 
his  characteristic  vigor,  instituted  a  commission  of  three  Hierony- 
mite  friars,  with  full  authority,  as  already  noticed  in  the  text,  to 
reform  abuses.  Las  Casas  was  honored,  for  his  exertions,  with  the 
title  of  "  Protector-General  of  the  Indians." 

The  new  commissioners  behaved  with  great  discretion.  But  their 
office  was  one  of  consummate  difficulty,  as  it  required  time  to  in- 
troduce important  changes  in  established  institutions.  The  ardent 
and  impetuous  temper  of  Las  Casas,  disdaining  every  consideration 
of  prudence,  overleaped  all  these  obstacles,  and  chafed  under  what 
he  considered  the  lukewarm  and  temporizing  policy  of  the  com- 
missioners. As  he  was  at  no  pains  to  conceal  his  disgust,  the  parties 
soon  came  to  a  misunderstanding  with  each  other;  and  Las  Casas 
again  returned  to  the  mother-country,  to  stimulate  the  government, 
if  possible,  to  more  effectual  measures  for  the  protection  of  the 
natives. 

He  found  the  country  under  the  administration  of  the  Flemings, 
who  discovered  from  the  first  a  wholesome  abhorrence  of  the  abuses 
practised  in  the  colonies,  and  who,  in  short,  seemed  inclined  to  tol- 
erate no  peculation  or  extortion  but  their  own.  They  acquiesced, 
without  much  difficulty,  in  the  recommendations  of  Las  Casas,  who 
proposed  to  relieve  the  natives  by  sending  out  Castilian  laborers  and 
by  importing  negro  slaves  into  the  islands.    This  last  proposition  has 


74  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

brought  heavy  obloquy  on  the  head  of  its  author,  who  has  been  freely 
accused  of  having  thus  introduced  negro  slavery  into  the  New  World. 
Others,  with  equal  groundlessness,  have  attempted  to  vindicate  his 
memory  from  the  reproach  of  having  recommended  the  measure  at 
all.  Unfortunately  for  the  latter  assertion.  Las  Casas,  in  his  "  His- 
tory of  the  Indies,"  confesses,  with  deep  regret  and  humiliation,  his 
advice  on  this  occasion,  founded  on  the  most  erroneous  views,  as  he 
frankly  states;  since,  to  use  his  own  words,  "the  same  law  applies 
equally  to  the  negro  as  to  the  Indian."  But,  so  far  from  having  in- 
troduced slavery  by  this  measure  into  the  islands,  the  importa- 
tion of  blacks  there  dates  from  the  beginning  of  the  century.  It 
was  recommended  by  some  of  the  wisest  and  most  benevolent  persons 
in  the  colony,  as  the  means  of  diminishing  the  amount  of  human 
suifering;  since  the  African  was  more  fitted  by  his  constitution  to 
endure  the  climate  and  the  severe  toil  imposed  on  the  slave,  than 
the  feeble  and  effeminate  islander.  It  was  a  suggestion  of  humanity, 
however  mistaken,  and,  considering  the  circumstances  under  which 
it  occurred,  and  the  age,  it  may  well  be  forgiven  in  Las  Casas,  es- 
pecially taking  into  view  that,  as  he  became  more  enlightened  him- 
self, he  was  so  ready  to  testify  his  regret  at  having  unadvisedly  coun- 
tenanced the  measure. 

The  experiment  recommended  by  Las  Casas  was  made,  but,  through 
the  apathy  of  Fonseca,  president  of  the  Indian  Council,  not  heartily, 
— and  it  failed.  The  good  missionary  now  proposed  another  and 
much  bolder  scheme.  He  requested  that  a  large  tract  of  country 
in  Tierra  Firme,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  famous  pearl-fisheries, 
might  be  ceded  to  him  for  the  purpose  of  planting  a  colony  there, 
and  of  converting  the  natives  to  Christianity.  He  required  that  none 
of  the  authorities  of  the  islands,  and  no  military  force,  especially, 
should  be  allowed  to  interfere  with  his  movements.  He  pledged 
himself  by  peaceful  means  alone  to  accomplish  all  that  had  been 
done  by  violence  in  other  quarters.  He  asked  only  that  a  certain 
number  of  laborers  should  attend  him,  invited  by  a  bounty  from 
government,  and  that  he  might  further  be  accompanied  by  fifty 
Dominicans,  who  were  to  be  distinguished  like  himself  by  a  peculiar 
dress,  that  should  lead  the  natives  to  suppose  them  a  different  race 
of  men  from  the  Spaniards.  This  proposition  was  denounced  as  chi- 
merical and  fantastic  by  some,  whose  own  opportunities  of  obser- 
vation entitled  their  judgment  to  respect.  These  men  declared  the 
Indian,  from  his  nature,  incapable  of  civilization.  The  question  was 
one  of  such  moment  that  Charles  the  Fifth  ordered  the  discussion 
to  be  conducted  before  him.  The  opponent  of  Las  Casas  was  first 
heard,  when  the  good  missionary,  in  answer,  warmed  by  the  noble 
cause  he  was  to  maintain,  and  nothing  daunted  by  the  august  pres- 
ence in  which  he  stood,  delivered  himself  with  a  fervent  eloquence 
that  went  directly  to  the  hearts  of  his  auditors.  "  The  Christian 
religion,"  he  concluded,  "  is  equal  in  its  operation,  and  is  accom- 
modated to  every  nation  on  the  globe.    It  robs  no  one  of  his  freedom. 


1520]  LAS   CASAS  75 

violates  none  of  his  inherent  rights,  on  the  ground  that  he  is  a  slave 
by  nature,  as  pretended;  and  it  well  becomes  your  Majesty  to  banish 
so  monstrous  an  oppression  from  your  kingdom  in  the  beginning  of 
your  reign,  that  the  Almighty  may  make  it  long  and  glorious." 

In  the  end  Las  Casas  prevailed.  He  was  furnished  with  the  men 
and  means  for  establishing  his  colony,  and  in  1520  embarked  for 
America.  But  the  result  was  a  lamentable  failure.  The  country  as- 
signed to  him  lay  in  the  neighborhood  of  a  Spanish  settlement,  which 
had  already  committed  some  acts  of  violence  on  the  natives.  To 
quell  the  latter,  now  thrown  into  commotion,  an  armed  force  was 
sent  by  the  young  "  Admiral "  from  Hispaniola.  The  very  people, 
among  whom  Las  Casas  was  to  appear  as  the  messenger  of  peace, 
were  thus  involved  in  deadly  strife  with  his  countrymen.  The 
enemy  had  been  before  him  in  his  own  harvest.  While  waiting  for 
the  close  of  these  turbulent  scenes,  the  laborers,  whom  he  had  taken 
out  with  him,  dispersed,  in  despair  of  effecting  their  object.  And 
after  an  attempt  to  pursue,  with  his  faithful  Dominican  brethren, 
the  work  of  colonization  further,  other  untoward  circumstances 
compelled  them  to  abandon  the  project  altogether.  Its  unfortunate 
author,  overwhelmed  with  chagrin,  took  refuge  in  the  Dominican 
monastery  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola.  The  failure  of  the  enterprise 
should,  no  doubt,  be  partly  ascribed  to  circumstances  beyond  the  con- 
trol of  its  projector.  Yet  it  is  impossible  not  to  recognize  in  the 
whole  scheme,  and  in  the  conduct  of  it,  the  hand  of  one  much  more 
familiar  with  books  than  men,  who,  in  the  seclusion  of  the  cloister, 
had  meditated  and  matured  his  benevolent  plans,  without  fully  esti- 
mating the  obstacles  that  lay  in  their  way,  and  who  counted  too  con- 
fidently on  meeting  the  same  generous  enthusiasm  in  others  which 
glowed  in  his  own  bosom. 

He  found,  in  his  disgrace,  the  greatest  consolation  and  sympathy 
from  the  brethren  of  St.  Dominic,  who  stood  forth  as  the  avowed 
champions  of  the  Indians  on  all  occasions,  and  showed  themselves  as 
devoted  to  the  cause  of  freedom  in  the  New  World  as  they  had  been 
hostile  to  it  in  the  Old.  Las  Casas  soon  became  a  member  of  their 
order,  and,  in  his  monastic  retirement,  applied  himself  for  many 
years  to  the  performance  of  his  spiritual  duties,  and  the  composition 
of  various  works,  all  directed,  more  or  less,  to  vindicate  the  rights 
of  the  Indians.  Here,  too,  he  commenced  his  great  work  the  "  His- 
toria  general  de  las  Indias,"  which  he  pursued,  at  intervals  of  leisure, 
from  1537  till  a  few  years  before  his  death.  His  time,  however,  was 
not  wholly  absorbed  by  these  labors;  and  he  found  means  to  engage 
in  several  laborious  missions.  He  preached  the  gospel  among  the 
natives  of  Nicaragua  and  Guatemala,  and  succeeded  in  converting 
and  reducing  to  obedience  some  wild  tribes  in  the  latter  province, 
who  had  defied  the  arms  of  his  countrymen.  In  all  these  pious 
labors  he  was  sustained  by  his  Dominican  brethren.  At  length, 
in  1539,  he  crossed  the  waters  again,  to  seek  further  assistance  and 
recruits  among  the  members  of  his  order. 


76  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

A  great  change  had  taken  place  in  the  board  that  now  presided 
over  the  colonial  department.  The  cold  and  narrow-minded  Fonseca, 
who,  during  his  long  administration,  had,  it  may  be  truly  said,  shown 
himself  the  enemy  of  every  great  name  and  good  measure  connected 
with  the  Indians,  had  died.  His  place,  as  president  of  the  Indian 
Council,  was  filled  by  Loaysa,  Charles's  confessor.  This  functionary, 
general  of  the  Dominicans,  gave  ready  audience  to  Las  Casas,  and 
showed  a  good  will  to  his  proposed  plans  of  reform.  Charles,  too, 
now  grown  older,  seemed  to  feel  more  deeply  the  responsibility  of  his 
station,  and  the  necessity  of  redressing  the  wrongs,  too  long  tolerated, 
of  his  American  subjects.  The  state  of  the  colonies  became  a  com- 
mon topic  of  discussion,  not  only  in  the  council,  but  in  the  court; 
and  the  representations  of  Las  Casas  made  an  impression  that  mani- 
fested itself  in  the  change  of  sentiment  more  clearly  every  day. 
He  promoted  this  by  the  publication  of  some  of  his  writings  at  this 
time,  and  especially  of  his  "  Brevisima  Relacion,"  or  Short  Account 
of  the  Destruction  of  the  Indies,  in  which  he  sets  before  the  reader 
the  manifold  atrocities  committed  by  his  countrymen  in  different 
parts  of  the  New  World  in  the  prosecution  of  their  conquests.  It 
is  a  tale  of  woe.  Every  line  of  the  work  may  be  said  to  be  writ- 
ten in  blood.  However  good  the  motives  of  its  author,  we  may 
regret  that  the  book  was  ever  written.  He  would  have  been  certainly 
right  not  to  spare  his  countrymen;  to  exhibit  their  misdeeds  in 
their  true  colors,  and  by  this  appalling  picture — for  such  it  would 
have  been — to  have  recalled  the  nation,  and  those  who  governed 
it,  to  a  proper  sense  of  the  iniquitous  career  it  was  pursuing  on  the 
other  side  of  the  water.  But,  to  produce  a  more  striking  effect, 
he  has  lent  a  willing  ear  to  every  tale  of  violence  and  rapine,  and 
magnified  the  amount  to  a  degree  which  borders  on  the  ridiculous. 
The  wild  extravagance  of  his  numerical  estimates  is  of  itself  suffi- 
cient to  shake  confidence  in  the  accuracy  of  his  statements  generally. 
Yet  the  naked  truth  was  too  startling  in  itself  to  demand  the 
aid  of  exaggeration.  The  book  found  great  favor  with  foreigners; 
was  rapidly  translated  into  various  languages,  and  ornamented  with 
characteristic  designs,  which  seemed  to  put  into  action  all  the  re- 
corded atrocities  of  the  text.  It  excited  somewhat  different  feelings 
in  his  own  countrymen,  particularly  the  people  of  the  colonies,  who 
considered  themselves  the  subjects  of  a  gross,  however  undesigned, 
misrepresentation;  and  in  his  future  intercourse  with  them  it  con- 
tributed, no  doubt,  to  diminish  his  influence  and  consequent  useful- 
ness, bj'^  the  spirit  of  alienation,  and  even  resentment,  which  it  en- 
gendered. 

Las  Casas'  honest  intentions,  his  enlightened  views  and  long  ex- 
perience, gained  him  deserved  credit  at  home.  This  was  visible  in 
the  important  regulations  made  at  this  time  for  the  better  govern- 
ment of  the  colonies,  and  particularly  in  respect  to  the  aborigines. 
A  code  of  laws.  Las  Ntievas  Leyes,  was  passed,  having  for  their 
avowed  object  the  enfranchisement  of  this  unfortunate  race;  and  in 


1544]  LAS   CASAS  77 

the  wisdom  and  humanity  of  its  provisions  it  is  easy  to  recognize 
the  hand  of  the  Protector  of  the  Indians.  The  history  of  Spanish 
colonial  legislation  is  the  history  of  the  impotent  struggles  of  the 
government  in  behalf  of  the  natives,  against  the  avarice  and  cruelty 
of  its  subjects.  It  proves  that  an  empire  powerful  at  home — and 
Spain  then  was  so — may  be  so  widely  extended  that  its  authority 
shall  scarcely  be  felt  in  its  extremities. 

The  government  testified  their  sense  of  the  signal  services  of  Las 
Casas  by  promoting  him  to  the  bishopric  of  Cuzco,  one  of  the  richest 
sees  in  the  colonies.  But  the  disinterested  soul  of  the  missionary 
did  not  covet  riches  or  preferment.  He  rejected  the  proffered  dignity 
without  hesitation.  Yet  he  could  not  refuse  the  bishopric  of  Chiapa, 
a  country  which,  from  the  poverty  and  ignorance  of  its  inhabitants, 
offered  a  good  field  for  his  spiritual  labors.  In  1544,  though  at  the 
advanced  age  of  seventy,  he  took  upon  himself  these  new  duties, 
and  embarked,  for  the  fifth  and  last  time,  for  the  shores  of  America. 
His  fame  had  preceded  him.  The  colonists  looked  on  his  coming 
with  apprehension,  regarding  him  as  the  real  author  of  the  new  code, 
which  struck  at  their  ancient  immunities,  and  which  he  would  be 
likely  to  enforce  to  the  letter.  Everywhere  he  was  received  with 
coldness.  In  some  places  his  person  was  menaced  with  violence.  But 
the  venerable  presence  of  the  prelate,  his  earnest  expostulations, 
which  flowed  so  obviously  from  conviction,  and  his  generous  self- 
devotion,  so  regardless  of  personal  considerations,  preserved  him 
from  this  outrage.  Yet  he  showed  no  disposition  to  conciliate  his 
opponents  by  what  he  deemed  an  imworthy  concession;  and  he  even 
stretched  the  arm  of  authority  so  far  as  to  refuse  the  sacraments 
to  any  who  still  held  an  Indian  in  bondage.  This  high-handed  meas- 
ure not  only  outraged  the  planters,  but  incurred  the  disapprobation 
of  his  own  brethren  in  the  Church.  Three  years  were  spent  in  disa- 
greeable altercation  without  coming  to  any  decision.  The  Spaniards, 
to  borrow  their  accustomed  phraseology  on  these  occasions,  "  obejing 
the  law,  but  not  fulfilling  it,"  applied  to  the  court  for  further  in- 
structions; and  the  bishop,  no  longer  supported  by  his  own  brethren, 
thwarted  by  the  colonial  magistrates,  and  outraged  by  the  people, 
relinquished  a  post  where  his  presence  could  be  no  longer  useful, 
and  returned  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  tranquillity  at 
home. 

Yet,  though  withdrawn  to  his  Dominican  convent,  he  did  not  pass 
his  hours  in  slothful  seclusion.  He  again  appeared  as  the  champion 
of  Indian  freedom  in  the  famous  controversy  with  Sepulveda,  one 
of  the  most  acute  scholars  of  the  time,  and  far  surpassing  Las 
Casas  in  elegance  and  correctness  of  composition.  But  the  Bishop 
of  Chiapa  was  his  superior  in  argument,  at  least  in  this  discussion, 
where  he  had  right  and  reason  on  his  side.  In  his  "  Thirty  Propo- 
sitions," as  they  are  called,  in  which  he  sums  up  the  several  points 
of  his  case,  he  maintains  that  the  circumstance  of  infidelity  in  re- 
ligion cannot  deprive  a  nation  of  its  political  rights;  that  the  Holy 


78  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

See,  in  its  grant  of  the  New  World  to  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  de- 
signed only  to  confer  the  right  of  converting  its  inhabitants  to 
Christianity,  and  of  thus  winning  a  peaceful  authority  over  them, 
and  that  no  authority  could  be  valid  which  rested  on  other  founda- 
tions. This  was  striking  at  the  root  of  the  colonial  empire  as  as- 
sumed by  Castile.  But  the  disinterested  views  of  Las  Casas,  the 
respect  entertained  for  his  principles,  and  the  general  conviction, 
it  may  be,  of  the  force  of  his  arguments,  prevented  the  court  from 
taking  umbrage  at  their  import,  or  from  pressing  them  to  their 
legitimate  conclusion.  While  the  writings  of  his  adversary  were 
interdicted  from  publication,  he  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  his  own 
printed  and  circulated  in  every  quarter. 

From  this  period  his  time  was  distributed  among  his  religious 
duties,  his  studies,  and  the  composition  of  his  works,  especially  his 
History.  His  constitution,  naturally  excellent,  had  been  strength- 
ened by  a  life  of  temperance  and  toil;  and  he  retained  his  faculties 
unimpaired  to  the  last.  He  died  after  a  short  illness,  July,  1566, 
at  the  great  age  of  ninety-two,  in  his  monastery  of  Atocha,  at 
Madrid. 

The  character  of  Las  Casas  may  be  inferred  from  his  career.  He 
was  one  of  those  to  whose  gifted  minds  are  revealed  those  glorious 
moral  truths  which,  like  the  lights  of  heaven,  are  fixed  and  the  same 
forever,  but  which,  though  now  familiar,  were  hidden  from  all  but 
a  few  penetrating  intellects  by  the  general  darkness  of  the  time  in 
which  he  lived.  He  was  a  reformer,  and  had  the  virtues  and  errors 
of  a  reformer.  He  was  inspired  by  one  great  and  glorious  idea. 
This  was  the  key  to  all  his  thoughts,  to  all  that  he  said  and  wrote, 
to  every  act  of  his  long  life.  It  was  this  which  urged  him  to  lift 
the  voice  of  rebuke  in  the  presence  of  princes,  to  brave  the  menaces 
of  an  infuriated  populace,  to  cross  seas,  to  traverse  mountains  and 
deserts,  to  incur  the  alienation  of  friends,  the  hostility  of  enemies, 
to  endure  obloqu\%  insult,  and  persecution.  It  was  this,  too,  which 
made  him  reckless  of  obstacles,  led  him  to  count  too  confidently  on 
the  co-operation  of  others,  animated  his  discussion,  sharpened  his 
invective,  too  often  steeped  his  pen  in  the  gall  of  personal  vitupera- 
tion, led  him  into  gross  exaggeration  and  over-coloring  in  his 
statements  and  a  blind  credulity  of  evil  that  rendered  him  unsafe 
as  a  counsellor  and  unsuccessful  in  the  practical  concerns  of  life. 
His  views  were  pure  and  elevated.  But  his  manner  of  enforcing 
them  was  not  always  so  commendable.  This  may  be  gathered  not 
only  from  the  testimony  of  the  colonists  generally,  who,  as  parties 
interested,  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  prejudiced,  but  from  that 
of  the  members  of  his  own  profession,  persons  high  in  office,  and  of 
integrity  beyond  suspicion,  not  to  add  that  of  missionaries  engaged 
in  the  same  good  work  with  himself.  These,  in  their  letters  and  re- 
ported conversations,  charged  the  Bishop  of  Chiapa  with  an  arro- 
gant, uncharitable  temper,  which  deluded  his  judgment,  and  vented 
itself   in    unwarrantable   crimination    against    such    as    resisted    his 


1566]  LAS  CASAS  79 

projects  or  differed  from  him  in  opinion.  Las  Casas,  in  short,  was 
a  man.  But,  if  he  had  the  errors  of  humanity,  he  had  virtues  that 
rarely  belong  to  it.  The  best  commentary  on  his  character  is  the 
estimation  which  he  obtained  in  the  court  of  his  sovereign.  A 
liberal  pension  was  settled  on  him  after  his  last  return  from 
America,  which  he  chiefly  expended  on  charitable  objects.  No  meas- 
ure of  importance  relating  to  the  Indians  was  taken  without  his 
advice.  He  lived  to  see  the  fruits  of  his  efforts  in  the  positive  ame- 
lioration of  their  condition,  and  in  the  popular  admission  of  those 
great  truths  which  it  had  been  the  object  of  his  life  to  unfold. 
And  who  shall  say  how  much  of  the  successful  efforts  and  arguments 
since  made  in  behalf  of  persecuted  humanity  may  be  traced  to  the 
example  and  the  writings  of  this  illustrious  philanthropist? 

His  compositions  were  numerous,  most  of  them  of  no  great  length. 
Some  were  printed  in  his  time;  others  have  since  appeared,  especially 
in  the  French  translation  of  Llorente.  His  great  work,  which  occu- 
pied him  at  intervals  for  more  than  thirty  years,  the  Historia  general 
de  las  Indias,  still  remains  in  manuscript.  It  is  in  three  volumes, 
divided  into  as  many  parts,  and  embraces  the  colonial  history  from 
the  discovery  of  the  country  by  Columbus  to  the  year  1520.  The 
style  of  the  work,  like  that  of  all  his  writings,  is  awkward,  dis- 
jointed, and  excessively  diffuse,  abounding  in  repetitions,  irrelevant 
digressions,  and  pedantic  citations.  But  it  is  sprinkled  over  with 
passages  of  a  different  kind;  and,  when  he  is  roused  by  the  desire 
to  exhibit  some  gross  wrong  to  the  natives,  his  simple  language 
kindles  into  eloquence,  and  he  expounds  those  great  and  immutal)le 
principles  of  natural  justice  which  in  his  own  day  were  so  little 
understood.  His  defect  as  a  historian  is  that  he  wrote  history,  like 
everything  else,  under  the  influence  of  one  dominant  idea.  He  is  al- 
ways pleading  the  cause  of  the  persecuted  native.  This  gives  a  color- 
ing to  events  which  passed  under  his  own  eyes,  and  filled  him  with  a 
too  easy  confidence  in  those  which  he  gathered  from  the  reports  of 
others.  Much  of  the  preceding  portion  of  our  narrative  which  relates 
to  affairs  in  Cuba  must  have  come  under  his  personal  observation. 
But  he  seems  incapable  of  shaking  off  his  early  deference  to 
Velasquez,  who,  as  we  have  noticed,  treated  him,  while  a  poor 
curate  in  the  island,  with  peculiar  confidence.  For  Cortes,  on  the 
other  hand,  he  appears  to  have  felt  a  profound  contempt.  He  wit- 
nessed the  commencement  of  his  career,  when  he  was  standing,  cap 
in  hand,  as  it  were,  at  the  proud  governor's  door,  thankful  even 
for  a  smile  of  recognition.  Las  Casas  remembered  all  this,  and, 
when  he  saw  the  Conqueror  of  Mexico  rise  into  a  glory  and  renown 
that  threw  his  former  patron  into  the  shade,— and  most  unfairly, 
as  Las  Casas  deemed,  at  the  expense  of  that  patron,— the  good 
bishop  could  not  withhold  his  indignation,  nor  speak  of  him  other- 
wise than  with  a  sneer,  as  a  mere  upstart  adventurer. 

It  is  the  existence  of  defects  like  these,  and  the  fear  of  the  mis- 
conception likely  to  be  produced  by  them,   that  have  so  long  pre- 


80  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

vented  the  publication  of  his  history.  At  his  death,  he  left  it  to  the 
convent  of  San  Gregorio,  at  Valladolid,  with  directions  that  it  should 
not  be  printed  for  forty  years,  nor  be  seen  during  that  time  by  any 
layman  or  member  of  the  fraternity.  Herrera,  however,  was  per- 
mitted to  consult  it,  and  he  liberally  transferred  its  contents  to 
his  own  volumes,  which  appeared  in  1601.  The  royal  Academy  of 
History  revised  the  first  volume  of  I^as  Casas  some  years  since,  with 
a  view  to  the  publication  of  the  whole  work.  But  the  indiscreet  and 
imaginative  style  of  the  composition,  according  to  Navarrete,  and 
the  consideration  that  its  most  important  facts  were  already  known 
through  other  channels,  induced  that  body  to  abandon  the  design. 
With  deference  to  their  judgment,  this  seems  to  me  a  mistake.  Las 
Casas,  with  every  deduction,  is  one  of  the  great  writers  of  the 
nation;  great  from  the  important  truths  which  he  discerned  when 
none  else  could  see  them,  and  from  the  courage  with  which  he 
proclaimed  them  to  the  world.  They  are  scattered  over  his  History 
as  well  as  his  other  writings.  They  are  not,  however,  the  passages 
transcribed  by  Herrera.  In  the  statement  of  fact,  too,  however 
partial  and  prejudiced,  no  one  will  impeach  his  integrity;  and,  as  an 
enlightened  contemporary,  his  evidence  is  of  undeniable  value.  It 
is  due  to  the  memory  of  Las  Casas  that,  if  his  work  be  given  to  the 
public  at  all,  it  should  not  be  through  the  garbled  extracts  of  one 
who  was  no  fair  interpreter  of  his  opinions.  Las  Casas  does  not 
speak  for  himself  in  the  courtly  pages  of  Herrera.  Yet  the  History 
should  not  be  published  without  a  suitable  commentary  to  enlighten 
the  student  and  guard  him  against  any  undue  prejudices  in  the 
writer.  We  may  hope  that  the  entire  manuscript  will  one  day  be 
given  to  the  world  under  the  auspices  of  that  distinguished  body 
which  has  already  done  so  much  in  this  way  for  the  illustration  of  the 
national  annals.* 

The  life  of  Las  Casas  has  been  several  times  written.  The  two 
memoirs  most  worthy  of  notice  are  that  by  Llorente,  late  Secretary 
of  the  Inquisition,  prefixed  to  his  French  translation  of  the  bishop's 
controversial  writings,  and  that  by  Quintana,  in  the  third  volume 
of  his  "  Espanoles  celebres,"  where  it  presents  a  truly  noble  speci- 
men of  biographical  composition,  enriched  by  a  literary  criticism 
as  acute  as  it  is  candid.  I  have  gone  to  the  greater  length  in  this 
notice,  from  the  interesting  character  of  the  man,  and  the  little  that 
is  known  of  him  to  the  English  reader.  I  have  also  transferred  a 
passage  from  his  work  in  the  original  to  the  Appendix,  that  the 
Spanish  scholar  may  form  an  idea  of  his  style  of  composition. 
He  ceases  to  be  an  authority  for  us  henceforth,  as  his  account  of  the 
expedition  of  Cortes  terminates  with  the  destruction  of  the  navy. 

*  [The  Historia  de  las  Indias  was  published  in  five  volumes,  in 
1875-76,  by  the  Royal  Academy  of  History  in  Madrid.  Prescott's 
manuscript  copy  of  the  work  was  probably  burned  in  Boston  in 
1872.— M.] 


BOOK  III 

MARCH    TO    MEXICO 


BOOK  III 

MARCH  TO  MEXICO 
CHAPTER  I 

PROCEEDINGS  AT  CEMPOAELA— THE  SPANIARDS 
CLIMB  THE  TABLE-LAND  — PICTURESQUE  SCEN- 
ERY—TRANSACTIONS WITH  THE  NATIVES— EM- 
BASSY  TO   TLASCALA 

1519 

WHIIiE  at  Cempoalla,  Cortes  received  a 
message  from  Escalante,  his  commander 
at  Villa  Rica,  informing  him  there  were  four 
strange  ships  hovering  off  the  coast,  and  that  they 
took  no  notice  of  his  repeated  signals.  This  in- 
telligence greatly  alarmed  the  general,  who  feared 
they  might  be  a  squadron  sent  by  the  governor  of 
Cuba  to  interfere  with  his  movements.  In  much 
haste,  he  set  out  at  the  head  of  a  few  horsemen, 
and,  ordering  a  party  of  light  infantry  to  follow, 
posted  back  to  Villa  Rica.  The  rest  of  the  army 
he  left  in  charge  of  Alvarado  and  of  Gonzalo  de 
Sandoval,  a  young  officer  who  had  begun  to  give 
evidence  of  the  uncommon  qualities  which  have 
secured  to  him  so  distinguished  a  rank  among  the 
conquerors  of  Mexico. 

83 


84  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

Escalante  would  have  persuaded  the  general, 
on  his  reaching  the  town,  to  take  some  rest,  and 
allow  him  to  go  in  search  of  the  strangers.  But 
Cortes  replied  with  the  homely  proverb,  "  A 
wounded  hare  takes  no  nap,"  ^  and,  without  stop- 
ping to  refresh  himself  or  his  men,  pushed  on  three 
or  four  leagues  to  the  north,  where  he  understood 
the  ships  were  at  anchor.  On  the  way,  he  fell  in 
with  three  Spaniards,  just  landed  from  them. 
To  his  eager  inquiries  whence  they  came,  they  re- 
plied that  they  belonged  to  a  squadron  fitted  out 
by  Francisco  de  Garay,^  governor  of  Jamaica. 
This  person,  the  year  previous,  had  visited  the 
Florida  coast,  and  obtained  from  Spain— where 
he  had  some  interest  at  court— authority  over  the 
countries  he  might  discover  in  that  vicinity.  The 
three  men,  consisting  of  a  notary  and  two  wit- 
nesses, had  been  sent  on  shore  to  warn  their  coun- 
trymen under  Cortes  to  desist  from  what  was 
considered  an  encroachment  on  the  territories  of 
Garay.  Probably  neither  the  governor  of  Jamaica 
nor  his  officers  had  any  precise  notion  of  the  geog- 
raphy and  limits  of  these  territories. 

Cortes  saw  at  once  there  was  nothing  to  appre- 
hend from  this  quarter.  He  would  have  been  glad, 
however,  if  he  could  by  any  means  have  induced 
the  crews  of  the  ships  to  join  his  expedition.  He 
found  no  difficulty  in  persuading  the  notary  and 
his  companions.  But  when  he  came  in  sight  of  the 
vessels,  the  people  on  board,  distrusting  the  good 
terms  on  which  their  comrades  appeared  to  be 
with  the   Spaniards,   refused   to   send  their  boat 

*"Cabra  coja  no  tenga  siesta." 


1519]         PROCEEDINGS  AT   CEMPOALLA  85 

ashore.  In  this  dilemma,  Cortes  had  recourse  to  a 
stratagem. 

He  ordered  three  of  his  own  men  to  exchange 
dresses  with  the  new-comers.  He  then  drew  off 
his  little  band  in  sight  of  the  vessels,  affecting  to 
return  to  the  city.  In  the  night,  however,  he  came 
back  to  the  same  place,  and  lay  in  ambush,  direct- 
ing the  disguised  Spaniards,  when  the  morning 
broke,  and  they  could  be  discerned,  to  make  signals 
to  those  on  board.  The  artifice  succeeded.  A  boat 
put  off,  filled  with  armed  men,  and  three  or  four 
leaped  on  shore.  But  they  soon  detected  the  de- 
ceit, and  Cortes,  springing  from  his  ambush,  made 
them  prisoners.  Their  comrades  in  the  boat, 
alarmed,  pushed  off,  at  once,  for  the  vessels,  which 
soon  got  under  way,  leaving  those  on  shore  to  their 
fate.  Thus  ended  the  affair.  Cortes  returned  to 
Cempoalla,  with  the  addition  of  half  a  dozen 
able-bodied  recruits,  and,  what  was  of  more  impor- 
tance, relieved  in  his  own  mind  from  the  appre- 
hension of  interference  with  his  operations." 

He  now  made  arrangements  for  his  speedy  de- 
parture from  the  Totonac  capital.  The  forces 
reserved  for  the  expedition  amounted  to  about  four 
hundred  foot  and  fifteen  horse,  wath  seven  pieces 
of  artillery.  He  obtained,  also,  from  the  cacique 
of  Cempoalla,  thirteen  hundred  warriors,  and  a 
thousand  tamanes,  or  porters,  to  drag  the  guns 
and  transport  the  baggage.  He  took  forty  more 
of  their  principal  men  as  hostages,  as  well  as  to 

»Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1.— Rel.  Seg.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  42-45.— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  59,  60. 


86  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

guide  him  on  the  way  and  serve  him  by  their  coun- 
sels among  the  strange  tribes  he  was  to  visit.  They 
were,  in  fact,  of  essential  service  to  him  through- 
out the  march.'' 

The  remainder  of  his  Spanish  force  he  left  in 
garrison  at  Villa  Rica  de  Vera  Cruz,  the  command 
of  which  he  had  intrusted  to  the  alguacil,  Juan  de 
Escalante,  an  officer  devoted  to  his  interests.  The 
selection  was  judicious.  It  was  important  to  place 
there  a  man  who  would  resist  any  hostile  interfer- 
ence from  his  European  rivals,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  maintain  the  present  friendly  relations  with 
the  natives,  on  the  other.  Cortes  recommended  the 
Totonac  chiefs  to  apply  to  this  officer  in  case  of 
any  difficulty,  assuring  them  that  so  long  as  they 
remained  faithful  to  their  new  sovereign  and  re- 
ligion they  should  find  a  sure  protection  in  the 
Spaniards. 

Before  marching,  the  general  spoke  a  few  words 
of  encouragement  to  his  own  men.  He  told  them 
they  were  now  to  embark  in  earnest  on  an  enter- 
prise which  had  been  the  great  object  of  their  de- 
sires, and  that  the  blessed  Saviour  would  carry 
them  victorious  through  every  battle  with  their 
enemies.  "  Indeed,"  he  added,  "  this  assurance 
must  be  our  stay,  for  every  other  refuge  is  now  cut 
off  but  that  afforded  by  the  providence  of  God 


'  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  44.— IxtlilxochitI,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap. 
83. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  61. — The  number  of  the 
Indian  auxiliaries  stated  in  the  text  is  much  larger  than  that  allowed 
by  either  Cortes  or  Diaz.  But  both  these  actors  in  the  drama  show 
too  obvious  a  desire  to  magnify  their  own  prowess,  by  exaggerating 
the  numbers  of  their  foes  and  diminishing  their  own,  to  be  entitled  to 
much  confidence  in  their  estimates. 


1519]        PROCEEDINGS   AT   CEMPOALLA  87 

and  your  own  stout  hearts."  "*  He  ended  by  com- 
paring their  achievements  to  those  of  the  ancient 
Romans,  "  in  phrases  of  honeyed  eloquence  far 
beyond  anything  I  can  repeat,"  says  the  brave  and 
simple-hearted  chronicler  who  heard  them.  Cortes 
was,  indeed,  master  of  that  eloquence  which  went 
to  the  soldiers'  hearts.  For  their  sympathies  were 
his,  and  he  shared  in  that  romantic  spirit  of  adven- 
ture which  belonged  to  them.  "  We  are  ready  to 
obey  you,"  they  cried  as  with  one  voice.  "  Our 
fortmies,  for  better  or  worse,  are  cast  with 
yours."  ^  Taking  leave,  therefore,  of  their  hos- 
pitable Indian  friends,  the  little  army,  buoyant 
with  high  hopes  and  lofty  plans  of  conquest,  set 
forward  on  their  march  to  Mexico. 

It  was  the  sixteenth  of  August,  1519.  During 
the  first  day,  their  road  lay  through  the  tierra 
Calient e,  the  beautiful  land  where  they  had  been 
so  long  lingering;  the  land  of  the  vanilla,  cochi- 
neal, cacao  (not  till  later  days  of  the  orange  and 
the  sugar-cane),  products  which,  indigenous  to 
Mexico,  have  now  become  the  luxuries  of  Europe ; 
the  land  where  the  fruits  and  the  flowers  chase  one 
another  in  unbroken  circle  through  the  year ;  where 
the  gales  are  loaded  with  perfumes  till  the  sense 
aches  at  their  sweetness,  and  the  groves  are  filled 
Avith  many-colored  birds,  and  insects  whose  enam- 
elled wings  glisten  like  diamonds  in  the  bright  sun 
of  the  tropics.    Such  are  the  magical  splendors  of 

*"No  teniamos  otro  socorro,  ni  ayuda  sino  el  de  Dios;  porque  ya 
no  teniamos  nauios  para  ir  a  Cuba,  salvo  nuestro  buen  pelear  y 
coracjones  fuertes."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  59. 

°  "  Y  todos  a  vna  le  respondi'mos,  que  hariamos  lo  que  ordenasse, 
que  echada  estaua  la  suerte  de  la  buena  6  mala  ventura."    Loc.  cit. 


88  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

this  paradise  of  the  senses.  Yet  Nature,  who  gen- 
erally works  in  a  spirit  of  compensation,  has  pro- 
vided one  here;  since  the  same  burning  sun  which 
quickens  into  life  these  glories  of  the  vegetable 
and  animal  kingdoms  calls  forth  the  pestilent  ma- 
laria, with  its  train  of  bilious  disorders,  unknown 
to  the  cold  skies  of  the  North.  The  season  in 
which  the  Spaniards  were  there,  the  rainy  months 
of  summer,  was  precisely  that  in  which  the  vomito 
rages  with  greatest  fury;  when  the  European 
stranger  hardly  ventures  to  set  his  foot  on  shore, 
still  less  to  linger  there  a  day.  AVe  find  no  mention 
made  of  it  in  the  records  of  the  Conquerors,  nor 
any  notice,  indeed,  of  an  uncommon  mortality. 
The  fact  doubtless  corroborates  the  theory  of  those 
who  postpone  the  appearance  of  the  yellow  fever 
till  long  after  the  occupation  of  the  country  by 
the  whites.  It  proves,  at  least,  that,  if  existing 
before,  it  must  have  been  in  a  very  much  mitigated 
form. 

After  some  leagues  of  travel  over  roads  made 
nearly  impassable  by  the  summer  rains,  the  troops 
began  the  gradual  ascent — more  gradual  on  the 
eastern  than  the  western  declivities  of  the  Cordil- 
leras— which  leads  up  to  the  table-land  of  INIexico. 
At  the  close  of  the  second  day  they  reached  Xa- 
lapa,  a  place  still  retaining  the  same  Aztec  name 
that  it  has  communicated  to  the  drug  raised  in  its 
environs,  the  medicinal  virtues  of  which  are  now 
known  throughout  the  world."     This  town  stands 

•  Jalap,  Convolvulus  jalapa.     The  x  and  j  are  convertible  conso- 
nants in  the  Castilian.* 

*  [Jalapa  means  "  Spring  in  the  Sand."— M.] 


1519]  SPANIARDS  CLIMB  THE  TABLE-LAND      89 

midway  up  the  long  ascent,  at  an  elevation  where 
the  vapors  from  the  ocean,  touching  in  their  wes- 
terly progress,  maintain  a  rich  verdure  throughout 
the  year.  Though  somewhat  infected  by  these 
marine  fogs,  the  air  is  usually  bland  and  salubri- 
ous. The  wealthy  resident  of  the  lower  regions 
retires  here  for  safety  in  the  heats  of  summer,  and 
the  traveller  hails  its  groves  of  oak  with  delight, 
as  announcing  that  he  is  above  the  deadly  influence 
of  the  vomitoJ  From  this  delicious  spot,  the 
Spaniards  enjoyed  one  of  the  grandest  prospects 
in  nature.  Before  them  was  the  steep  ascent — 
much  steeper  after  this  point — which  they  were 
to  climb.  On  the  right  rose  the  Sierra  Madre,  girt 
with  its  dark  belt  of  pines,  and  its  long  lines  of 
shadowy  hills  stretching  away  in  the  distance.  To 
the  south,  in  brilliant  contrast,  stood  the  mighty 
Orizaba,  with  his  white  robe  of  snow  descending 
far  down  his  sides,  towering  in  solitary  grandeur, 
the  giant  spectre  of  the  Andes.  Behind  them, 
they  beheld,  unrolled  at  their  feet,  the  magnifi- 
cent tierra  caliente,  with  its  gay  confusion  of 
meadows,  streams,  and  flowering  forests,  sprinkled 
over  with  shining  Indian  villages,  while  a  faint 
line  of  light  on  the  edge  of  the  horizon  told  them 
that  there  was  the  ocean,  beyond  which  were  the 
kindred  and  country  they  were  many  of  them 
never  more  to  see. 

Still  winding  their  way  upward,  amidst  scenery 

^  The  heights  of  Xalapa  are  crowned  with  a  convent  dedicated  to 
St.  Francis,  erected  in  later  days  by  Cortes,  showing,  in  its  solidity, 
like  others  of  the  period  built  under  the  same  auspices,  says  an 
agreeable  traveller,  a  military  as  well  as  religious  design.  Tudor's 
Travels  in  North  America   (London,  183i),  vol.  ii.  p.  186". 


90  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

as  different  as  was  the  temperature  from  that  of 
the  regions  below,  the  army  passed  through  set- 
tlements containing  some  hundreds  of  inhabitants 
each,  and  on  the  fourth  day  reached  a  "  strong 
town,"  as  Cortes  terms  it,  standing  on  a  rocky 
eminence,  supposed  to  be  that  now  known  by  the 
]Mexican  name  of  Naulinco.  Here  they  were  hos- 
pitably entertained  by  the  inhabitants,  who  were 
friends  of  the  Totonacs.  Cortes  endeavored, 
through  Father  Olmedo,  to  impart  to  them  some 
knowledge  of  Christian  truths,  which  were  kindly 
received,  and  the  Spaniards  were  allowed  to  erect 
a  cross  in  the  place,  for  the  future  adoration  of  the 
natives.  Indeed,  the  route  of  the  army  might  be 
tracked  by  these  emblems  of  man's  salvation, 
raised  wherever  a  willing  population  of  Indians 
invited  it,  suggesting  a  very  different  idea  from 
what  the  same  memorials  intimate  to  the  traveller 
in  these  mountain  solitudes  in  our  day.^ 

«Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1.— Rel.  Seg.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  40.— Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  44.  — Ixtlil- 
xochitl.  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83.—"  Every  hundred  yards  of  our 
route,"  says  the  traveller  last  quoted,  speaking  of  this  very  region, 
"  was  marked  by  the  melancholy  erection  of  a  wooden  cross,  denot- 
ing, according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  the  commission  of  some 
horrible  murder  on  the  spot  where  it  was  planted."  (Travels  in 
North  America,  vol.  ii.  p.  188.)  —  [Seiior  Alaman  stoutly  defends  his 
countrymen  from  this  gross  exaggeration,  as  he  pronounces  it,  of 
Mr.  Tudor.  For  although  it  is  unhappily  true,  he  says,  that  travel- 
lers were  formerly  liable  to  be  attacked  in  going  from  the  city  of 
Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz,  and  that  the  diligence  which  passes  over  this 
road  is  still  frequently  stopped,  yet  it  is  very  seldom  that  personal  vio- 
lence is  offered.  "  Foreign  tourists  are  prone  to  believe  all  the  stories 
of  atrocities  that  are  related  to  them,  and  generally,  at  inns,  fall 
into  the  society  of  persons  who  take  delight  in  furnishing  a  large 
supply  of  such  materials.  The  crosses  that  are  to  be  met  with  in 
the  country  are  not  so  numerous  as  is  pretended;  nor  are  all  of 
them  memorials  of  assassinations  committed  in  the  places  where  they 


1519]  PICTURESQUE   SCENERY  91 

The  troops  now  entered  a  rugged  defile,  the 
Bishop's  Pass,^  as  it  is  called,  capable  of  easy  de- 
fence against  an  army.  Very  soon  they  experi- 
enced a  most  miwelcome  change  of  climate.  Cold 
winds  from  the  mountains,  mingled  with  rain,  and, 
as  they  rose  still  higher,  with  driving  sleet  and 
hail,  drenched  their  garments,  and  seemed  to  pene- 
trate to  their  very  bones.  The  Spaniards,  indeed, 
partially  covered  by  their  armor  and  thick  jackets 
of  quilted  cotton,  were  better  able  to  resist  the 
weather,  though  their  long  residence  in  the  sul- 
try regions  of  the  valley  made  them  still  keenly 
sensible  to  the  annoyance.  But  the  poor  Indians, 
natives  of  the  tierra  caliente,  with  little  protection 
in  the  way  of  covering,  sank  under  the  rude  assault 
of  the  elements,  and  several  of  them  perished  on 
the  road. 

The  aspect  of  the  country  was  as  wild  and 
dreary  as  the  climate.  Their  route  wound  along 
the  spur  of  the  huge  Cofre  de  Perote,  which  bor- 
rows its  name,  both  in  Mexican  and  Castilian,  from 
the  cofFer-like  rock  on  its  summit.^"     It  is  one  of 

have  been  erected.  Many  are  merely  objects  of  devotion,  and  others 
indicate  the  spot  where  two  roads  diverge  from  each  other.  We 
must,  nevertheless,  confess  that  this  matter  is  one  that  demands 
all  the  attention  of  the  government;  while  the  candid  foreigner  will 
doubtless  admit  that  it  is  not  easy  to  exercise  police  supervision 
over  roads  on  which  the  central  points  of  population  lie  far  apart, 
as  in  countries  like  ours,  instead  of  being  so  near  that  a  watch  can 
be  maintained  from  them  over  the  intermediate  spaces,  as  is  the  case 
in  most  countries  of  Europe  and  in  a  great  part  of  the  United 
States."     Conquista  de  M^jico  (trad,  de  Vega),  tom.  i.  p.  251.] 

*  El  Paso  del  Obispo.  Cortes  named  it  Puerto  del  Nombre  de  Dios. 
Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  ii. 

"*  The  Aztec  name  is  Nauhcampatepetl,  from  nauhcampa,  "  any- 
thing square,"  and  tepetl,  "a  mountain."  —  Humboldt,  who  waded 
through  forests  and  snows  to  its  summit,  ascertained  its  height  to 


92  CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO 

the  great  volcanoes  of  New  Spain.  It  exhibits 
now,  indeed,  no  vestige  of  a  crater  on  its  top,  but 
abundant  traces  of  volcanic  action  at  its  base, 
where  acres  of  lava,  blackened  scorije,  and  cinders 
proclaim  the  convulsions  of  nature,  while  numer- 
ous shrubs  and  mouldering  trunks  of  enormous 
trees,  among  the  crevices,  attest  the  antiquity  of 
these  events.  Working  their  toilsome  way  across 
this  scene  of  desolation,  the  path  often  led  them 
along  the  borders  of  precipices,  down  whose  sheer 
depths  of  two  or  three  thousand  feet  the  shrinking 
eye  might  behold  another  climate,  and  see  all  the 
glowing  vegetation  of  the  tropics  choking  up  the 
bottom  of  the  ravines. 

After  three  days  of  this  fatiguing  travel,  the 
wayworn  army  emerged  through  another  defile, 
the  Sierra  del  Agua}'^  They  soon  came  upon  an 
open  reach  of  countr}^  with  a  genial  climate,  such 
as  belongs  to  the  temperate  latitudes  of  southern 
Europe.  They  had  reached  the  level  of  more  than 
seven  thousand  feet  above  the  ocean,  where  the 
great  sheet  of  table-land  spreads  out  for  hundreds 
of  miles  along  the  crests  of  the  Cordilleras.  The 
country  showed  signs  of  careful  cultivation,  but 
the  products  w^ere,  for  the  most  part,  not  familiar 
to  the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards.  Fields  and  hedges 
of  the  various  tribes  of  the  cactus,  the  towering 
organum,  and  plantations  of  aloes  with  rich  yellow 
clusters  of  flowers  on  their  tall  stems,  affording 
drink  and  clothing  to  the  Aztec,  were  everywhere 

be  4089  metres,  =  13,414  feet,  above  the  sea.  See  his  Vues  des  Cor- 
dilleres,  p.  234,  and  Essai  politique,  vol.  i.  p.  266. 

"The  same  mentioned  in  Cortes'  Letter  as  the  Puerto  de  la  Lena. 
Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  iii. 


1519J  TRANSACTIONS  WITH  THE  NATIVES      93 

seen.  The  plants  of  the  torrid  and  temperate  zones 
had  disappeared,  one  after  another,  with  the  ascent 
into  these  elevated  regions.  The  glossy  and  dark- 
leaved  banana,  the  chief,  as  it  is  the  cheapest,  ali- 
ment of  the  countries  below,  had  long  since  faded 
from  the  landscape.  The  hardy  maize,  however, 
still  shone  with  its  golden  harvest  in  all  the  pride 
of  cultivation,  the  great  staple  of  the  higher 
equally  with  the  lower  terraces  of  the  plateau. 

Suddenl}^  the  troops  came  upon  what  seemed  the 
environs  of  a  populous  city,  which,  as  they  entered 
it,  appeared  to  surpass  even  that  of  Cempoalla  in 
the  size  and  solidity  of  its  structures.^ ^  These 
were  of  stone  and  lime,  many  of  them  spacious 
and  tolerably  high.  There  were  thirteen  teocallis 
in  the  place ;  and  in  the  suburbs  they  had  seen  a  re- 
ceptacle, in  which,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  were 
stored  a  hundred  thousand  skulls  of  human  vic- 
'tims,  all  piled  and  ranged  in  order!  He  reports 
the  number  as  one  he  had  ascertained  by  counting 
them  himself.^  ^  Whatever  faith  we  may  attach  to 
the  precise  accuracy  of  his  figures,  the  result  is 
almost  equally  startling.  The  Spaniards  were 
destined  to  become  familiar  with  this  appalling 
spectacle  as  they  approached  nearer  to  the  Aztec 
capital. 

"  Now  known  by  the  euphonious  Indian  name  of  Tlatlanquitepeo. 
(Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  iv.)  It  is  the  Cocotlan  of  Bernal  Diaz. 
(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  61.)  The  old  Conquerors  made  sorry 
work  with  the  Aztec  names,  both  of  places  and  persons,  for  which 
they  must  be  allowed  to  ha%'e  had  ample  excuse. 

13  «  Puestos  tantos  riraeros  de  calaueras  de  muertos,  que  se  podian 
bien  contar,  segun  el  concierto  con  que  estauan  puestas,  que  me 
parece  que  eran  mas  de  cien  mil,  y  digo  otra  vez  sobre  cien  mil." 
Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


94  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

The  lord  of  the  town  ruled  over  twenty  thou- 
sand vassals.  He  was  tributary  to  Montezuma, 
and  a  strong  Mexican  garrison  was  quartered  in 
the  place.  He  had  probably  been  advised  of  the 
approach  of  the  Spaniards,  and  doubted  how  far 
it  would  be  welcome  to  his  sovereign.  At  all 
events,  he  gave  them  a  cold  reception,  the  more 
unpalatable  after  the  extraordinary  sufferings  of 
the  last  few  days.  To  the  inquiry  of  Cortes,  whe- 
ther he  were  subject  to  Montezuma,  he  answered, 
with  real  or  affected  surprise,  "  Who  is  there  that 
is  not  a  vassal  of  Montezuma?  "  ^^  The  general 
told  him,  with  some  emphasis,  that  he  was  not. 
He  then  explained  whence  and  why  he  came,  as- 
suring him  that  he  served  a  monarch  who  had 
princes  for  his  vassals  as  powerful  as  the  Aztec 
monarch  himself. 

The  cacique,  in  turn,  fell  nothing  short  of  the 
Spaniard  in  the  pompous  display  of  the  grandeur 
and  resources  of  the  Indian  emperor.  He  told  his 
guest  that  Montezuma  could  muster  thirty  great 
vassals,  each  master  of  a  hundred  thousand  men!  ^^ 
His  revenues  wxre  immense,  as  every  subject,  how- 
ever poor,  paid  something.  They  were  all  ex- 
pended on  his  magnificent  state  and  in  support  of 

"  "  El  qual  casi  admirado  de  lo  que  le  preguntaba,  me  respondid, 
diciendo;  ique  quien  no  era  vasallo  de  Muctezuma?  queriendo  decir, 
que  alii  era  Senor  del  Mundo."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana, 
p.  47. 

"  "  Tiene  mas  de  30  Pri'ncipes  d  si  subjectos,  que  cada  uno  dellos 
tiene  cient  mill  hombres  e  mas  de  pelea."  (Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1.)  This  marvellous  tale  is  gravely  repeated  by 
more  than  one  Spanish  writer,  in  their  accounts  of  the  Aztec  mon- 
archy, not  as  the  assertion  of  this  chief,  but  as  a  veritable  piece  of 
statistics.  See,  among  others,  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7, 
cap.  12.— Soils,  Conquista,  lib.  3,  cap.  16. 


1519]  TRANSACTIONS  WITH  THE  NATIVES      95 

his  armies.  These  were  continually  in  the  field, 
while  garrisons  were  maintained  in  most  of  the 
large  cities  of  the  empire.  jMore  than  twenty 
thousand  victims,  the  fruit  of  his  wars,  were  annu- 
ally sacrificed  on  the  altars  of  his  gods !  His  capi- 
tal, the  cacique  said,  stood  in  a  lake,  in  the  centre 
of  a  spacious  valley.  The  lake  was  commanded  by 
the  emperor's  vessels,  and  the  approach  to  the  city 
was  by  means  of  causeways,  several  miles  long, 
connected  in  parts  by  wooden  bridges,  which,  when 
raised,  cut  off  all  communication  with  the  country. 
Some  other  things  he  added,  in  answer  to  queries 
of  his  guest,  in  which,  as  the  reader  may  imagine, 
the  crafty  or  credulous  cacique  varnished  over  the 
truth  with  a  lively  coloring  of  romance.  Whether 
romance,  or  reality,  the  Spaniards  could  not  deter- 
mine. The  particulars  they  gleaned  were  not  of 
a  kind  to  tranquillize  their  minds,  and  might  well 
have  made  bolder  hearts  than  theirs  pause,  ere  they 
advanced.  But  far  from  it.  "  The  words  which 
we  heard,"  says  the  stout  old  cavalier  so  often 
quoted,  "  however  they  may  have  filled  us  with 
wonder,  made  us — such  is  the  temper  of  the  Span- 
iard— only  the  more  earnest  to  prove  the  adven- 
ture, desperate  as  it  might  appear."  ^^ 

In  a  further  conversation  Cortes  inquired  of  the 
chief  whether  his  country  abounded  in  gold,  and 
intimated  a  desire  to  take  home  some,  as  specimens, 
to  his  sovereign.  But  the  Indian  lord  declined  to 
give  him  any,  saying  it  might  displease  Monte- 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  61.— There  is  a  slight 
ground-swell  of  glorification  in  the  Captain's  narrative,  which  may 
provoke  a  smile,— not  a  sneer,  for  it  is  mingled  with  too  much  real 
courage  and  simplicity  of  character. 


96  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

'/uiiia.  "  Should  he  command  it,"  he  added,  "  my 
gold,  my  person,  and  all  I  possess,  shall  be  at  your 
disposal."  The  general  did  not  press  the  matter 
further. 

The  curiosity  of  the  natives  was  naturally  ex- 
cited by  the  strange  dresses,  weapons,  horses,  and 
dogs  of  the  Spaniards.  JNIarina,  in  satisfying 
their  inquiries,  took  occasion  to  magnify  the  prow- 
ess of  her  adopted  countrymen,  expatiating  on 
their  exploits  and  victories,  and  stating  the  extra- 
ordinaiy  marks  of  respect  they  had  received  from 
Montezuma.  This  intelligence  seems  to  have  had 
its  effect ;  for  soon  after  the  cacique  gave  the  gen- 
eral some  curious  trinkets  of  gold,  of  no  great 
value,  indeed,  but  as  a  testimony  of  his  good  will. 
He  sent  him,  also,  some  female  slaves  to  prepare 
bread  for  the  troops,  and  svipplied  the  means  of  re- 
freshment and  repose,  more  important  to  them,  in 
the  present  juncture,  than  all  the  gold  of  Mex- 

*  17 

ICO.   ' 

The  Spanish  general,  as  usual,  did  not  neglect 
the  occasion  to  inculcate  the  great  truths  of  reve- 
lation on  his  host,  and  to  display  the  atrocity  of 
the  Indian  superstitions.  The  cacique  listened 
with  civil  but  cold  indifference.  Cortes,  finding 
him  unmoved,  turned  briskly  round  to  his  soldiers, 
exclaiming  that  now  was  the  time  to  plant  the 
Cross!  They  eagerly  seconded  his  pious  purpose, 
and  the  same  scenes  might  have  been  enacted  as 
at  Cempoalla,  with  perhaps  very  different  results, 

"  For  the  preceding  pages,  besides  authorities  cited  in  course,  see 
Peter  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  1,— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83.— Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  44,— Torquemada, 
Monarch.  Ind.,  Hb.  4,  cap.  26. 


1519]  TRANSACTIONS  WITH  THE  NATIVES      97 

had  not  Father  Oknedo,  with  better  judgment,  in- 
terposed. He  represented  that  to  introduce  the 
Cross  among  the  natives,  in  their  present  state  of 
ignorance  and  incredulity,  would  be  to  expose  the 
sacred  symbol  to  desecration  so  soon  as  the  backs 
of  the  Spaniards  were  turned.  The  only  way  was 
to  wait  patiently  the  season  when  more  leisure 
should  be  afforded  to  instil  into  their  minds  a 
knowledge  of  the  truth.  The  sober  reasoning  of 
the  good  father  prevailed  over  the  passions  of  the 
martial  enthusiasts. 

It  was  fortunate  for  Cortes  that  Olmedo  was 
not  one  of  those  frantic  friars  who  would  have 
fanned  his  fiery  temper  on  such  occasions  into  a 
blaze.  It  might  have  had  a  most  disastrous  influ- 
ence on  his  fortunes ;  for  he  held  all  temporal  con- 
sequences light  in  comparison  with  the  great  work 
of  conversion,  to  eiFect  which  the  unscrupulous 
mind  of  the  soldier,  trained  to  the  stern  discipline 
of  the  camp,  would  have  employed  force  when- 
ever fair  means  were  ineffectual.^^  But  Olmedo 
belonged  to  that  class  of  benevolent  missionaries 
— of  whom  the  Roman  Catholic  church,  to  its 
credit,  has  furnished  many  examples — who  rely  on 
spiritual  weapons  for  the  great  work,  inculcating 
those  doctrines  of  love  and  mercy  which  can  best 
touch  the  sensibilities  and  win  the  affections  of 
their  rude  audience.  These,  indeed,  are  the  true 
weapons  of  the  Church,  the  weapons  employed  in 

"  The  general  clearly  belonged  to  the  church  militant,  mentioned 
by  Butler: 

"  Such  as  do  build  their  faith  upon 
The  holy  text  of  pike  and  gun. 
And  prove  their  doctrines  orthodox 
By  apostolic  blows  and  knocks." 


98  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

the  primitive  ages,  by  which  it  has  spread  its  peace- 
ful banners  over  the  farthest  regions  of  the  globe. 
Such  were  not  the  means  used  by  the  conquerors 
of  America,  who,  rather  adopting  the  policy  of 
the  victorious  Moslems  in  their  early  career,  car- 
ried with  them  the  sword  in  one  hand  and  the  Bible 
in  the  other.  They  imposed  obedience  in  matters 
of  faith,  no  less  than  of  government,  on  the  van- 
quished, little  heeding  whether  the  conversion  were 
genuine,  so  that  it  conformed  to  the  outward  ob- 
servances of  the  Church.  Yet  the  seeds  thus  reck- 
lessly scattered  must  have  perished  but  for  the 
missionaries  of  their  own  nation,  who,  in  later 
times,  worked  over  the  same  ground,  living  among 
the  Indians  as  brethren,  and,  by  long  and  patient 
culture,  enabling  the  germs  of  truth  to  take  root 
and  fructify  in  their  hearts. 

The  Spanish  commander  remained  in  the  city 
four  or  five  days,  to  recruit  his  fatigued  and  fam- 
ished forces;  and  the  modern  Indians  still  point 
out,  or  did,  at  the  close  of  the  last  century,  a  ven- 
erable cypress,  under  the  branches  of  which  was 
tied  the  horse  of  the  Conquistador,— the  Con- 
queror, as  Cortes  was  styled,  par  excellence}^ 
Their  route  now  opened  on  a  broad  and  verdant 
valley,  watered  by  a  noble  stream, — a  circumstance 
of  not  too  frequent  occurrence  on  the  parched 
table-land  of  New  Spain.  The  soil  was  well  pro- 
tected by  woods, — a  thing  still  rarer  at  the  present 

"  "  Arbol  grande,  dicho  ahuehuete."  (Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  iii.) 
The  cupressus  disticha  of  Linnaeus.  See  Humboldt,  Essai  politique, 
torn.  ii.  p.  54,  note. 


1519]  TRANSACTIONS  WITH  THE  NATIVES      99 

day;  since  the  invaders,  soon  after  the  Conquest, 
swept  away  the  magnificent  growth  of  timber,  ri- 
valling that  of  our  Southern  and  Western  States 
in  variety  and  beauty,  which  covered  the  plateau 
under  the  Aztecs.  ^^  * 

All  along  the  river,  on  both  sides  of  it,  an  un- 
broken line  of  Indian  dwellings,  "  so  near  as  al- 
most to  touch  one  another,"  extended  for  three  or 
four  leagues;  arguing  a  population  much  denser 
than  at  present.^^  On  a  rough  and  rising  ground 
stood  a  town  that  might  contain  five  or  six  thou- 
sand inhabitants,  commanded  by  a  fortress,  which, 
with  its  walls  and  trenches,  seemed  to  the  Span- 
iards quite  "  on  a  level  with  similar  works  in  Eu- 

'"'  It  is  the  same  taste  which  has  made  the  Castiles,  the  table-land 
of  the  Peninsula,  so  naked  of  wood.  Prudential  reasons,  as  well  as 
taste,  however,  seem  to  have  operated  in  New  Spain.  A  friend  of 
mine  on  a  visit  to  a  noble  hacienda,  but  uncommonly  barren  of  trees, 
was  informed  by  the  proprietor  that  they  were  cut  down  to  prevent 
the  lazy  Indians  on  the  plantation  from  wasting  their  time  by  loiter- 
ing in  their  shade! 

"  It  confirms  the  observations  of  M.  de  Humboldt.  "  Sans  doute 
lors  de  la  premiere  arrivee  des  Espagnols,  toute  cette  cote,  depuis 
la  riviere  de  Papaloapan  (Alvarado)  jusqu'a  Huaxtecapan,  ^tait 
plus  habitee  et  mieux  cultivee  qu'elle  ne  Test  aujourd'hui.  Ce- 
pendant  a  mesure  que  les  conquerans  monterent  au  plateau,  ils 
trouverent  les  villages  plus  rapproches  les  uns  des  autres,  les  champs 
divises  en  portions  plus  petites,  le  peuple  plus  polled."  Humboldt, 
Essai  politique,  tom,  ii.  p.  202. 

*  [The  amount  of  timber  in  Mexico  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  has 
been  greatly  overestimated.  Humboldt  complains  of  the  Spaniards 
for  cutting  down  trees.  Yet  Bernal  Diaz  says  (cap.  ccix.)  :  "y  ban 
plantado  sus  tierras  y  heredades  de  todos  los  drboles  y  frutas 
que  hemos  traido  de  Espaiia,  y  venden  el  fruto  que  procede  dello: 
y  han  puesto  tantos  drboles,  que  porque  los  duraznos  no  son  buenos 
para  la  salud  y  los  platanales  les  hacen  mucha  sombra,  han  cortado 
y  cortan  muchos,  y  lo  ponen  de  membrilleros  y  manzanas,  y  perales; 
que  los  tienen  en  mas  estima." — M.] 


100  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

rope."  Here  the  troops  again  halted,  and  met 
with  friendly  treatment.^  ^ 

Cortes  now  determined  his  future  line  of  march. 
At  the  last  place  he  had  been  counselled  by  the 
natives  to  take  the  route  of  the  ancient  city  of 
Cholula,  the  inhabitants  of  which,  subjects  of  Mon- 
tezuma, were  a  mild  race,  devoted  to  mechanical 
and  other  peaceful  arts,  and  would  be  likely  to  en- 
tertain him  kindly.  Their  Cempoallan  allies,  how- 
ever, advised  the  Spaniards  not  to  trust  the  Cho- 
lulans,  "  a  false  and  perfidious  people,"  but  to  take 
the  road  to  Tlascala,  that  valiant  little  republic 
which  had  so  long  maintained  its  independence 
against  the  arms  of  Mexico.  The  people  were 
frank  as  they  were  fearless,  and  fair  in  their  deal- 
ings. They  had  always  been  on  terms  of  amity 
with  the  Totonacs,  which  afforded  a  strong  guar- 
antee for  their  amicable  disposition  on  the  present 
occasion. 

The  arguments  of  his  Indian  allies  prevailed 
with  the  Spanish  commander,  who  resolved  to  pro- 
pitiate the  good  will  of  the  Tlascalans  by  an  em- 
bassy. He  selected  four  of  the  principal  Cempo- 
allans  for  this,  and  sent  by  them  a  martial  gift, — 
a  cap  of  crimson  cloth,  together  with  a  sword  and 
a  cross-bow,  weapons  which,  it  was  observed,  ex- 
cited general  admiration  among  the  natives.  He 
added  a  letter,  in  which  he  asked  permission  to  pass 

"  The  correct  Indian  name  of  the  town,  Yxtacamaxtitlan,  Tztac- 
mastitan  of  Cortes,  will  hardly  be  recognized  in  the  Xalacingo  of 
Diaz.  The  town  was  removed,  in  1601,  from  the  top  of  the  hill  to  the 
plain.  On  the  original  site  are  still  visible  remains  of  carved  stones 
of  large  dimensions,  attesting  the  elegance  of  the  ancient  fortress  or 
palace  of  the  cacique.     Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  v. 


1519]  EMBASSY   TO   TLASCALA  101 

through  their  country.  He  expressed  his  admi- 
ration of  the  valor  of  the  Tlascalans,  and  of 
their  long  resistance  to  the  Aztecs,  whose  proud 
empire  he  designed  to  humble. ^^  It  was  not 
to  be  expected  that  this  epistle,  indited  in 
good  Castilian,  would  be  very  intelligible  to 
the  Tlascalans.  But  Cortes  communicated  its 
import  to  the  ambassadors.  Its  mysterious 
characters  might  impress  the  natives  with  an 
idea  of  superior  intelligence,  and  the  letter 
serve  instead  of  those  hieroglyphical  missives 
which  formed  the  usual  credentials  of  an  Indian 
ambassador.  ^^ 

The  Spaniards  remained  three  days  in  this  hos- 
pitable place,  after  the  departure  of  the  envoys, 
when  they  resumed  their  progress.  Although  in 
a  friendly  country,  they  marched  always  as  if  in 
a  land  of  enemies,  the  horse  and  light  troops  in  the 
van,  with  the  heavy-armed  and  baggage  in  the  rear, 
all  in  battle-array.  They  were  never  without  their 
armor,  waking  or  sleeping,  lying  down  with  their 
weapons  by  their  sides.  This  unintermitting  and 
restless  vigilance  was,  perhaps,  more  oppressive 
to  the  spirits  than  even  bodily  fatigue.  But  they 
were  confident  in  their  superiority  in  a  fair  field, 
and  felt  that  the  most  serious  danger  they  had  to 
fear  from  Indian  warfare  was  surprise.  "  We 
are  few  against  many,  brave  companions,"  Cortes 
would  say  to  them;  "  be  prepared,  then,  not  as  if 

"  "  Estas  cosas  y  otras  de  gran  persuasion  contenia  la  carta,  pero 
como  no  sabian  leer  no  pudieron  entender  lo  que  contenia."  Ca- 
margo,  Hist,  de  TIascala,  MS. 

"  For  an  account  of  the  diplomatic  usages  of  the  people  of  Ana- 
huac,  see  ante,  p.  57. 


102  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

you  were  going  to  battle,  but  as  if  actually  in  the 
midstof  it!"=^^ 

The  road  taken  by  the  Spaniards  was  the  same 
which  at  present  leads  to  Tlascala;  not  that,  how- 
ever, usually  followed  in  passing  from  Vera  Cruz 
to  the  capital,  which  makes  a  circuit  considerably 
to  the  south,  towards  Puebla,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  ancient  Cholula.  They  more  than  once 
forded  the  stream  that  rolls  through  this  beautiful 
plain,  lingering  several  days  on  the  way,  in  hopes 
of  receiving  an  answer  from  the  Indian  republic. 
The  unexpected  delay  of  the  messengers  could  not 
be  explained,  and  occasioned  some  uneasiness. 

As  they  advanced  into  a  country  of  rougher  and 
bolder  features,  their  progress  was  suddenly  ar- 
rested by  a  remarkable  fortification.  It  was  a 
stone  wall  nine  feet  in  height,  and  twenty  in  thick- 
ness, with  a  parapet,  a  foot  and  a  half  broad, 
raised  on  the  summit  for  the  protection  of  those 
who  defended  it.  It  had  only  one  opening,  in  the 
centre,  made  by  two  semicircular  lines  of  wall 
overlapping  each  other  for  the  space  of  forty 
paces,  and  affording  a  passage-way  between,  ten 
paces  wide,  so  contrived,  therefore,  as  to  be  per- 
fectly commanded  by  the  inner  wall.  This  forti- 
fication, which  extended  more  than  two  leagues, 
rested  at  either  end  on  the  bold  natural  buttresses 
formed  by  the  sierra.  The  work  was  built  of  im- 
mense blocks  of  stones  nicely  laid  together  without 

** "  Mira,  senores  companeros,  ya  veis  que  somos  pocos,  hemos  de 
estar  siempre  tan  apercebidos,  y  aparejados,  como  si  aora  viessemos 
venir  los  contrarios  d  pelear,  y  no  solamente  vellos  venir,  sino  hazer 
cuenta  que  estamos  ya  en  la  batalla  con  alios."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist, 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  62. 


1519]  EMBASSY  TO  TLASCALA  103 

cement ;  ^^  and  the  remains  still  existing,  among 
which  are  rocks  of  the  whole  breadth  of  the  ram- 
part, fully  attest  its  solidity  and  size.^^ 

This  singular  structure  marked  the  limits  of 
Tlascala,  and  was  intended,  as  the  natives  told  the 
Spaniards,  as  a  barrier  against  the  Mexican  inva- 
sions. The  army  paused,  filled  with  amazement 
at  the  contemplation  of  this  Cyclopean  monument, 
which  naturally  suggested  reflections  on  the 
strength  and  resources  of  the  people  who  had 
raised  it.  It  caused  them,  too,  some  painful  so- 
licitude as  to  the  probable  result  of  their  mission 
to  Tlascala,  and  their  own  consequent  reception 
there.  But  they  were  too  sanguine  to  allow  such 
uncomfortable  surmises  long  to  dwell  in  their 
minds.  Cortes  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  cav- 
alry, and,  calling  out,  "  Forward,  soldiers,  the 
Holy  Cross  is  our  banner,  and  under  that  we  shall 
conquer,"  led  his  little  army  through  the  unde- 
fended passage,  and  in  a  few  moments  they  trod 
the  soil  of  the  free  republic  of  Tlascala.^^ 

"  According  to  the  writer  last  cited,  the  stones  were  held  by  a 
cement  so  hard  that  the  men  could  scarcely  break  it  with  their  pikes. 
(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  62.)  But  the  contrary  statement,  in  the 
general's  letter,  is  confirmed  by  the  present  appearance  of  the  wall. 
Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  vii. 

"Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  vii. — The  attempts  of  the  Archbishop 
to  identify  the  route  of  Cortes  have  been  very  successful.  It  is  a 
pity  that  his  map  illustrating  the  itinerary  should  be  so  worthless. 

"  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. — Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  44,  45. 
— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83.— Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  3.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib,  33,  cap.  2. 
— Peter  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  1. 


CHAPTER  II 

REPUBLIC  OF  TLASC^VLA— ITS  INSTITUTIONS— EARLY 
HISTORY— DISCUSSIONS  IN  THE  SENATE— DESPER- 
ATE BATTLES 

1519 

BEFORE  advancing  further  with  the  Span- 
iards into  the  territory  of  Tlascala,  it  will  be 
well  to  notice  some  traits  in  the  character  and  in- 
stitutions of  the  nation,  in  many  respects  the  most 
remarkable  in  Anahuac.  The  Tlascalans  be- 
longed to  the  same  great  family  with  the  Aztecs/  * 
They  came  on  the  grand  plateau  about  the  same 
time  with  the  kindred  races,  at  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century,  and  planted  themselves  on  the 
western  borders  of  the  lake  of  Tezcuco.  Here 
they  remained  many  years,  engaged  in  the  usual 
pursuits  of  a  bold  and  partially  civilized  people. 

*  The  Indian  chronicler,  Camargo,  considers  his  nation  a  branch 
of  the  Chichimec.  (Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.)  So,  also,  Torquemada. 
(Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  3,  cap.  9.)  Clavigero,  who  has  carefully  investi- 
gated the  antiquities  of  Anahuac,  calls  it  one  of  the  seven  Nahuatlac 
tribes.  (Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  i.  p.  153,  nota.)  The  fact  is  not  of 
great  moment,  since  they  were  all  cognate  races,  speaking  the  same 
tongue,  and,  probably,  migrated  from  their  country  in  the  far  North 
at  nearly  the  same  time. 

*  [The  Tlascalans,  "belonging  to  the  same  great  family  with  the 
Aztecs,"  of  course  had  governmental  institutions  similar  to  those  of 
the  Aztecs.  The  clan  dwelt  in  a  pueblo  and  was  divided  into  four 
phratries.  For  the  system  of  government,  see  note,  pp.  33-36,  vol.  i. 
— M.] 

104 


1250]  REPUBLIC  OF  TLASCALA  105 

From  some  cause  or  other,  perhaps  their  turbulent 
temper,  they  incurred  the  enmity  of  surrounding 
tribes.  A  coahtion  was  formed  against  them ;  and 
a  bloody  battle  was  fought  on  the  plains  of  Po- 
yauhtlan,  in  which  the  Tlascalans  were  completely 
victorious. 

Disgusted,  however,  with  their  residence  among 
nations  with  whom  they  found  so  little  favor,  the 
conquering  people  resolved  to  migrate.  They 
separated  into  three  divisions,  the  largest  of  which, 
taking  a  southern  course  by  the  great  volcan  of 
Mexico,  wound  round  the  ancient  city  of  Cholula, 
and  finally  settled  in  the  district  of  country  over- 
shadowed by  the  sierra  of  Tlascala.  The  warm 
and  fruitful  valleys,  locked  up  in  the  embraces  of 
this  rugged  brotherhood  of  mountains,  afforded 
means  of  subsistence  for  an  agricultural  people, 
while  the  bold  eminences  of  the  sierra  presented 
secure  positions  for  their  towns. 

After  the  lapse  of  years,  the  institutions  of  the 
nation  underwent  an  important  change.  The 
monarchy  was  divided  first  into  two,  afterwards 
into  four  separate  states,  bound  together  by  a  sort 
of  federal  compact,  probably  not  very  nicely  de- 
fined. Each  state,  however,  had  its  lord  or  su- 
preme chief,  independent  in  his  own  territories, 
and  possessed  of  co-ordinate  authority  with  the 
others  in  all  matters  concerning  the  whole  repub- 
lic. The  affairs  of  government,  especially  all 
those  relating  to  peace  and  Avar,  were  settled  in  a 
senate  or  council,  consisting  of  the  four  lords  with 
their  inferior  nobles. 

The  lower  dignitaries  held  of  the  superior,  each 


106  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

in  his  own  district,  by  a  kind  of  feudal  tenure, 
being  bound  to  supply  his  table  and  enable  him  to 
maintain  his  state  in  peace,  as  well  as  to  serve  him 
in  war.^  In  return,  he  experienced  the  aid  and 
protection  of  his  suzerain.  The  same  mutual  ob- 
ligations existed  between  him  and  the  followers 
among  whom  his  own  territories  were  distributed.^ 
Thus  a  chain  of  feudal  dependencies  was  estab- 
lished, which,  if  not  contrived  with  all  the  art  and 
legal  refinements  of  analogous  institutions  in  the 
Old  World,  displayed  their  most  prominent  char- 
acteristics in  its  personal  relations,  the  obligations 
of  military  service  on  the  one  hand,  and  protection 
on  the  other.  This  form  of  government,  so  differ- 
ent from  that  of  the  surrounding  nations,  subsisted 
till  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards.  And  it  is  cer- 
tainly evidence  of  considerable  civilization  that  so 
complex  a  polity  should  have  so  long  continued, 

'  The  descendants  of  these  petty  nobles  attached  as  great  value  to 
their  pedigrees  as  any  Biscayan  or  Asturian  in  Old  Spain.  Long  after 
the  Conquest,  they  refused,  however  needy,  to  dishonor  their  birth  by 
resorting  to  mechanical  or  other  plebeian  occupations,  oficios  viles  y 
bajos.  "  Los  descendientes  de  estos  son  estimados  por  hombres  califi- 
cados,  que  aunque  scan  pobrisimos  no  usan  oficios  mecanicos  ni 
tratos  bajos  ni  viles,  ni  jamas  se  permiten  cargar  ni  cabar  con  coas 
y  azadones,  diciendo  que  son  hijos  Idalgos  en  que  no  han  de  apli- 
carse  d  estas  cosas  soeces  y  bajas,  sino  servir  en  guerras  y  fronteras, 
como  Idalgos,  y  morir  como  hombres  peleando."  Camargo,  Hist,  de 
Tlascala,  MS. 

' "  Cualquier  Tecuhtli  que  formaba  un  Tecalli,  que  es  casa  de 
Mayorazgo,  todas  aquellas  tierras  que  le  caian  en  suerte  de  reparti- 
miento,  con  montes,  fuentes,  rios,  6  lagunas  tomase  para  la  casa  prin- 
cipal la  mayor  y  mejor  suerte  6  pagos  de  tierra,  y  luego  las  demas 
que  quedaban  se  partian  por  sus  soldados  amigos  y  parientes,  igual- 
mente,  y  todos  estos  estdn  obligados  d  reconocer  la  casa  mayor  y 
acudir  d  ella,  d  alzarla  y  repararla,  y  d  ser  continues  en  reconocer 
d  ella  de  aves,  caza,  flores,  y  ramos  para  el  sustento  de  la  casa  del 
Mayorazgo,  y  el  que  lo  es  estd  obligado  d  sustentarlos  y  d  regalarlos 
como  amigos  de  aquella  casa  y  parientes  de  ella."    Ibid.,  MS. 


1*50]  REPUBLIC   OF   TLASCALA  107 

undisturbed  by  violence  or  faction  in  the  confed- 
erate states,  and  should  have  been  found  compe- 
tent to  protect  the  people  in  their  rights,  and  the 
country  from  foreign  invasion. 

The  lowest  order  of  the  people,  however,  do  not 
seem  to  have  enjoyed  higher  immunities  than  un- 
der the  monarchical  governments;  and  their  rank 
was  carefully  defined  by  an  appropriate  dress,  and 
by  their  exclusion  from  the  insignia  of  the  aristo- 
cratic orders."* 

The  nation,  agricultural  in  its  habits,  reserved 
its  highest  honors,  like  most  other  rude — unhap- 
pily, also,  civilized — nations,  for  military  prowess. 
Public  games  were  instituted,  and  prizes  decreed 
to  those  who  excelled  in  such  manly  and  athletic 
exercises  as  might  train  them  for  the  fatigues  of 
war.  Triumphs  were  granted  to  the  victorious 
general,  who  entered  the  city  leading  his  spoils  and 
captives  in  long  procession,  while  his  achievements 
were  commemorated  in  national  songs,  and  his  ef- 
figy, whether  in  wood  or  stone,  was  erected  in  the 
temples.  It  was  truly  in  the  martial  spirit  of  re- 
publican Rome.^ 

An  institution  not  unlike  knighthood  was  intro- 
duced, very  similar  to  one  existing  also  among  the 
Aztecs.  The  aspirant  to  the  honors  of  this  bar- 
baric chivalry  watched  his  arms  and  fasted  fifty  or 

*  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 

" "  Los  grandes  recibimientos  que  hacian  d  los  capitanes  que  venian 
y  alcanzaban  victoria  en  las  guerras,  las  fiestas  y  solenidades  con  que 
so  solenizaban  a  manera  de  triunfo,  que  los  metian  en  andas  en  su 
puebla,  trayendo  consigo  d  los  vencidos;  y  por  eternizar  sus  hazanas 
se  las  cantaban  publicamente,  y  ansi  quedaban  memoradas  y  con 
estatuas  que  les  ponian  en  los  templos."    Ibid.,  MS. 


108  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

sixty  days  in  the  temple,  then  hstened  to  a  grave 
discourse  on  the  duties  of  his  new  profession.  Va- 
rious whimsical  ceremonies  followed,  when  his 
arms  were  restored  to  him;  he  was  led  in  solemn 
procession  through  the  public  streets,  and  the  in- 
auguration was  concluded  by  banquets  and  pub- 
lic rejoicings.  The  new  knight  was  distinguished 
henceforth  by  certain  peculiar  privileges,  as  well 
as  by  a  badge  intimating  his  rank.  It  is  worthy 
of  remark  that  this  honor  was  not  reserved  exclu- 
sively for  military  merit,  but  was  the  recompense, 
also,  of  public  services  of  other  kinds,  as  wisdom 
in  council,  or  sagacity  and  success  in  trade.  For 
trade  was  held  in  as  high  estimation  by  the  Tlasca- 
lans  as  by  the  other  people  of  Anahuac.^ 

The  temperate  climate  of  the  table-land  fur- 
nished the  ready  means  for  distant  traffic.  The 
fruitfulness  of  the  soil  was  indicated  by  the  name 
of  the  country, — Tlascala  signifying  the  "  land  of 
bread."  Its  wide  plains,  to  the  slopes  of  its  rocky 
hills,  waved  with  yellow  harvests  of  maize,  and 
with  the  bountiful  maguey,  a  plant  which,  as  we 
have  seen,  supplied  the  materials  for  some  impor- 
tant fabrics.  With  these,  as  well  as  the  products 
of  agricultural  industry,  the  merchant  found  his 
way  down  the  sides  of  the  Cordilleras,  wandered 
over  the  sunny  regions  at  their  base,  and  brought 
back  the  luxuries  which  nature  had  denied  to  his 


*  For  the  whole  ceremony  of  inauguration, — though,  as  it  seems, 
having  especial  reference  to  the  merchant-knights,— see  Appendix, 
No.  9,  where  the  original  is  given  from  Camargo. 

' "  Ha  bel  paese,"  says  the  Anonymous  Conqueror,  speaking  of 
Tlascala  at  the  time  of  the  invasion,  "  di  pianure  et  motagne,  et  h 


1450]  ITS  INSTITUTIONS  109 

The  various  arts  of  civilization  kept  pace  with 
increasing  wealth  and  public  prosperity;  at  least, 
these  arts  were  cultivated  to  the  same  limited  ex- 
tent, apparently,  as  among  the  other  people  of 
Anahuac.  The  Tlascalan  tongue,  says  the  na- 
tional historian,  simple  as  beseemed  that  of  a 
mountain  region,  was  rough  compared  with  the 
polished  Tezcucan  or  the  popular  Aztec  dialect, 
and,  therefore,  not  so  well  fitted  for  composition. 
But  the  Tlascalans  made  like  proficiency  with  the 
kindred  nations  in  the  rudiments  of  science.  Their 
calendar  was  formed  on  the  same  plan.  Their 
religion,  their  architecture,  many  of  their  laws  and 
social  usages,  were  the  same,  arguing  a  common 
origin  for  all.  Their  tutelary  deity  was  the  same 
ferocious  war-god  as  that  of  the  Aztecs,  though 
with  a  different  name;  their  temples,  in  like  man- 
ner, were  drenched  with  the  blood  of  human  vic- 
tims, and  their  boards  groaned  with  the  same 
cannibal  repasts.^ 

Though  not  ambitious  of  foreign  conquest,  the 
prosperity  of  the  Tlascalans,  in  time,  excited  the 
jealousy  of  their  neighbors,  and  especially  of  the 
opulent  state  of  Cholula.  Frequent  hostilities  rose 
between  them,  in  which  the  advantage  was  almost 
always  on  the  side  of  the  former.  A  still  more 
formidable  foe  appeared  in  later  days  in  the  Az- 
tecs, who  could  ill  brook  the  independence  of  Tlas- 

provincia  popolosa  et  vi  si  raccoglie  molto  pane."    Rel.  d'un  gentil' 
huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  p.  308. 

*  A  full  account  of  the  manners,  customs,  and  domestic  policy  of 
Tlascala  is  given  by  the  national  historian,  throwing  much  light  on 
the  other  states  of  Anahuac,  whose  social  institutions  seem  to  have 
been  all  cast  in  the  same  mould. 


110  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

cala  when  the  surrounding  nations  had  acknow- 
ledged, one  after  another,  their  influence  or  their 
empire.  Under  the  ambitious  Axayacatl,  they 
demanded  of  the  Tlascalans  the  same  tribute  and 
obedience  rendered  by  other  people  of  the  country. 
If  it  were  refused,  the  Aztecs  would  raze  their 
cities  to  their  foundations,  and  deliver  the  land  to 
their  enemies. 

To  this  imperious  summons,  the  little  republic 
proudly  replied,  "  Neither  they  nor  their  ances- 
tors had  ever  paid  tribute  or  homage  to  a  foreign 
power,  and  never  would  pay  it.  If  their  country 
was  invaded,  they  knew  how  to  defend  it,  and 
would  pour  out  their  blood  as  freely  in  defence  of 
their  freedom  now  as  their  fathers  did  of  yore, 
when  they  routed  the  Aztecs  on  the  plains  of  Po- 
yauhtlan!"^ 

This  resolute  answer  brought  on  them  the  forces 
of  the  monarchy.  A  pitched  battle  followed,  and 
the  sturdy  republicans  were  victorious.  From  this 
period,  hostilities  between  the  two  nations  con- 
tinued with  more  or  less  activity,  but  with  unspar- 
ing ferocity.  Every  captive  was  mercilessly  sac- 
rificed. The  children  were  trained  from  the  cradle 
to  deadly  hatred  against  the  Mexicans;  and,  even 
in  the  brief  intervals  of  war,  none  of  those  inter- 
marriages took  place  between  the  people  of  the 
respective  countries,  which  knit  together  in  social 
bonds  most  of  the  other  kindred  races  of  Anahuac. 

In  this  struggle  the  Tlascalans  received  an  im- 
portant support  in  the  accession  of  the  Othomis, 

•  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.— Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind., 
lib.  2,  cap.  70. 


1502]  EARLY  HISTORY  111 

or  Otomies,— as  usually  spelt  by  Castilian  writers, 
— a  wild  and  warlike  race  originally  spread  over 
the  table-land  north  of  the  Mexican  Valley.  A 
portion  of  them  obtained  a  settlement  in  the  re- 
public, and  were  speedily  incorporated  in  its  ar- 
mies. Their  courage  and  fidelity  to  the  nation  of 
their  adoption  showed  them  worthy  of  trust,  and 
the  frontier  places  were  consigned  to  their  keep- 
ing. The  mountain  barriers  by  which  Tlascala  is 
encompassed  afforded  many  strong  natural  posi- 
tions for  defence  against  invasion.  The  country 
was  open  towards  the  east,  where  a  valley,  of  some 
six  miles  in  breadth,  invited  the  approach  of  an 
enemy.  But  here  it  was  that  the  jealous  Tlasca- 
lans  erected  the  formidable  rampart  which  had  ex- 
cited the  admiration  of  the  Spaniards,  and  which 
they  manned  with  a  garrison  of  Otomies. 

Efforts  for  their  subjugation  were  renewed  on 
a  greater  scale  after  the  accession  of  jMontezuma. 
His  victorious  arms  had  spread  down  the  declivi- 
ties of  the  Andes  to  the  distant  provinces  of  Vera 
Paz  and  Nicaragua,^*'  and  his  haughty  spirit  was 
chafed  by  the  opposition  of  a  petty  state  whose 
territorial  extent  did  not  exceed  ten  leagues  in 
breadth  by  fifteen  in  length.^ ^  He  sent  an  army 
against  them  under  the  command  of  a  favorite 
son.     His  troops  were  beaten,  and  his  son  was 

•"Camargo  (Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.)  notices  the  extent  of  Monte- 
zuma's conquests, — a  debatable  ground  for  the  historian. 

"  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  3,  cap.  16. — Soli's  says,  "  The 
Tlascalan  territory  was  fifty  leagues  in  circumference,  ten  long,  from 
east  to  west,  and  four  broad,  from  north  to  south."  (Conquista  de 
M6jico,  lib.  3,  cap.  3.)  It  must  have  made  a  curious  figure  in 
geometry ! 


112  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

slain.  The  enraged  and  mortified  monarch  was 
roused  to  still  greater  preparations.  He  enlisted 
the  forces  of  the  cities  bordering  on  his  enemy,  to- 
gether with  those  of  the  empire,  and  with  this  for- 
midable army  swept  over  the  devoted  valleys  of 
Tlascala.  But  the  bold  mountaineers  withdrew 
into  the  recesses  of  their  hills,  and,  coolly  awaiting 
their  opportunity,  rushed  like  a  torrent  on  the 
invaders,  and  drove  them  back,  with  dreadful 
slaughter,  from  their  territories. 

Still,  notwithstanding  the  advantages  gained 
over  the  enemy  in  the  field,  the  Tlascalans  were 
sorely  pressed  by  their  long  hostilities  with  a  foe 
so  far  superior  to  themselves  in  numbers  and  re- 
sources. The  Aztec  armies  lay  between  them  and 
the  coast,  cutting  off  all  communication  with  that 
prolific  region,  and  thus  limited  their  supplies  to 
the  products  of  their  own  soil  and  manufacture. 
For  more  than  half  a  century  they  had  neither  cot- 
ton, nor  cacao,  nor  salt.  Indeed,  their  taste  had 
been  so  far  affected  by  long  abstinence  from  these 
articles  that  it  required  the  lapse  of  several  gen- 
erations after  the  Conquest  to  reconcile  them  to  the 
use  of  salt  at  their  meals.^^  During  the  short  in- 
tervals of  war,  it  is  said,  the  Aztec  nobles,  in  the 
true  spirit  of  chivalry,  sent  supplies  of  these  com- 
modities as  presents,  with  many  courteous  expres- 
sions of  respect,  to  the  Tlascalan  chiefs.  This  in- 
tercourse, we  are  assured  by  the  Indian  chronicler, 
was  unsuspected  by  the  people.  Nor  did  it  lead  to 
any  further  correspondence,  he  adds,  between  the 
parties,  prejudicial  to  the  liberties  of  the  republic, 

"  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


1519]        DISCUSSIONS  IN  THE   SENATE  113 

*'  which  maintained  its  customs  and  good  govern- 
ment inviolate,  and  the  worship  of  its  gods."  ^^ 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Tlascala  at  the  com- 
ing of  the  Spaniards;  holding,  it  might  seem,  a 
precarious  existence  under  the  shadow  of  the  for- 
midable power  which  seemed  suspended  like  an 
avalanche  over  her  head,  but  still  strong  in  her  own 
resources,  stronger  in  the  indomitable  temper  of 
her  people ;  with  a  reputation  established  through- 
out the  land  for  good  faith  and  moderation  in 
peace,  for  valor  in  war,  while  her  uncompromising 
spirit  of  indej)endence  secured  the  respect  even  of 
her  enemies.  With  such  qualities  of  character,  and 
with  an  animosity  sharpened  by  long,  deadly  hos- 
tility with  Mexico,  her  alliance  was  obviously  of 
the  last  importance  to  the  Spaniards,  in  their  pres- 
ent enterprise.    It  was  not  easy  to  secure  it.^^ 

The  Tlascalans  had  been  made  acquainted  with 
the  advance  and  victorious  career  of  the  Chris- 
tians, the  intelligence  of  which  had  spread  far  and 
wide  over  the  plateau.  But  they  do  not  seem  to 
have  anticipated  the  approach  of  the  strangers  to 
their  own  borders.  They  were  now  much  embar- 
rassed by  the  embassy  demanding  a  passage 
through  their  territories.     The  great  council  was 

" "  Los  Senores  Mejicanos  y  Tezcucanos  en  tiempo  que  ponian 
treguas  por  algunas  temporadas  embiaban  a  los  Senores  de  TIaxcalla 
grandes  presentes  y  dadivas  de  oro,  ropa,  y  cacao,  y  sal,  y  de  todas 
las  cosas  de  que  carecian,  sin  que  la  gente  plebeya  lo  entendiese,  y  se 
saludaban  secretamente,  guarddndose  el  decoro  que  se  debian;  mas 
con  todos  estos  trabajos  la  6rden  de  su  republica  jamas  se  dejaba  de 
gobernar  con  la  rectitud  de  sus  costumbres  guardando  inviolable- 
mente  el  culto  de  sus  Dioses."     Ibid.,  MS. 

"  The  Tlascalan  chronicler  discerns  in  this  deep-rooted  hatred  of 
Mexico  the  hand  of  Providence,  who  wrought  out  of  it  an  important 
means  for  subverting  the  Aztec  empire.    Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


114  CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO 

convened,  and  a  considerable  difference  of  opinion 
prevailed  in  its  members.  Some,  adopting  the 
popular  superstition,  supposed  the  Spaniards 
might  be  the  white  and  bearded  men  foretold  by 
the  oracles/^  At  all  events,  they  vrere  the  enemies 
of  Mexico,  and  as  such  might  co-operate  with  them 
in  their  struggle  with  the  empire.  Others  argued 
that  the  strangers  could  have  nothing  in  common 
with  them.  Their  march  throughout  the  land 
might  be  tracked  by  the  broken  images  of  the  In- 
dian gods  and  desecrated  temples.  How  did  the 
Tlascalans  even  know  that  they  were  foes  to  Mon- 
tezuma? They  had  received  his  embassies,  ac- 
cepted his  presents,  and  were  now  in  the  company 
of  his  vassals  on  the  way  to  his  capital. 

These  last  were  the  reflections  of  an  aged  chief, 
one  of  the  four  who  presided  over  the  republic. 
His  name  was  Xicotencatl.  He  was  nearly  blind, 
having  lived,  as  is  said,  far  beyond  the  limits  of  a 
century.^ ^  His  son,  an  impetuous  young  man  of 
the  same  name  with  himself,  commanded  a  power- 
ful army  of  Tlascalan  and  Otomi  warriors,  near 
the  eastern  frontier.  It  would  be  best,  the  old  man 
said,  to  fall  with  this  force  at  once  on  the  Span- 
iards. If  victorious,  the  latter  would  then  be  in 
their  power.    If  defeated,  the  senate  could  disown 

"  "  Si  bien  os  acordais,  como  tenemos  de  nuestra  antigiiedad  como 
ban  de  venir  gentes  d  la  parte  donde  sale  el  sol,  y  que  ban  de  empa- 
rentar  con  nosotros,  y  que  bemos  de  ser  todos  unos;  y  que  ban  de 
ser  blancos  y  barbudos."     Ibid.,  MS. 

"To  tbe  ripe  age  of  one  hundred  and  forty!  if  we  may  credit  Ca- 
margo.  Sob's,  wbo  confounds  tbis  veteran  with  his  son,  has  put  a 
flourishing  harangue  in  tbe  mouth  of  tbe  latter,  which  would  be  a 
rare  gem  of  Indian  eloquence, — were  it  not  Castilian.  Conquista, 
lib.  2,  cap.  16. 


1519]  DESPERATE   BATTLES  115 

the  act  as  that  of  the  general,  not  of  the  repubhc/^ 
The  cunning  counsel  of  the  chief  found  favor  with 
his  hearers,  though  assuredly  not  in  the  spirit  of 
chivalry,  nor  of  the  good  faith  for  which  his  coun- 
trymen were  celebrated.  But  with  an  Indian, 
force  and  stratagem,  courage  and  deceit,  were 
equally  admissible  in  war,  as  they  were  among  the 
barbarians  of  ancient  Rome/^  The  Cempoallan 
envoys  were  to  be  detained  under  pretence  of  as- 
sisting at  a  religious  sacrifice. 

Meanwhile,  Cortes  and  his  gallant  band,  as 
stated  in  the  preceding  chapter,  had  arrived  before 
the  rocky  rampart  on  the  eastern  confines  of  Tlas- 
cala.  From  some  cause  or  other,  it  was  not 
manned  by  its  Otomi  garrison,  and  the  Spaniards 
passed  in,  as  we  have  seen,  without  resistance. 
Cortes  rode  at  the  head  of  his  body  of  horse,  and, 
ordering  the  infantry  to  come  on  at  a  quick  pace, 
went  forward  to  reconnoitre.  After  advancing 
three  or  four  leagues,  he  descried  a  small  party  of 
Indians,  armed  with  sword  and  buckler,  in  the 
fashion  of  the  country.  They  fled  at  his  ap- 
proach. He  made  signs  for  them  to  halt,  but,  see- 
ing that  they  only  fled  the  faster,  he  and  his  com- 
panions put  spurs  to  their  horses,  and  soon  came 
up  with  them.  The  Indians,  finding  escape  im- 
possible, faced  round,  and  instead  of  showing  the 
accustomed  terror  of  the  natives  at  the  strange  and 

"Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec. 
2,  lib.  6,  cap.  3. — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  27. — There 
is  sufficient  contradiction,  as  well  as  obscurity,  in  the  proceedings  re- 
ported of  the  council,  which  it  is  not  easy  to  reconcile  altogether  with 
subsequent  events. 

"" Dolus  an  virtus,  quis  in  hoste  requirat?" 


116  CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO 

appalling  aspect  of  a  mounted  trooper,  they  com- 
menced a  furious  assault  on  the  cavaliers.  The 
latter,  however,  were  too  strong  for  them,  and 
would  have  cut  their  enemy  to  pieces  without  much 
difficulty,  when  a  body  of  several  thousand  Indians 
appeared  in  sight,  coming  briskly  on  to  the  sup- 
port of  their  countrymen. 

Cortes,  seeing  them,  despatched  one  of  his  party 
in  all  haste,  to  accelerate  the  march  of  his  infan- 
try. The  Indians,  after  discharging  their  missiles, 
fell  furiously  on  the  little  band  of  Spaniards. 
They  strove  to  tear  the  lances  from  their  grasp, 
and  to  drag  the  riders  from  the  horses.  They 
brought  one  cavalier  to  the  ground,  who  after- 
wards died  of  his  wounds,  and  they  killed  two  of 
the  horses,  cutting  through  their  necks  with  their 
stout  broadswords— if  we  may  believe  the  chroni- 
cler— at  a  blow!  ^^  In  the  narrative  of  these  cam- 
paigns there  is  sometimes  but  one  step — and  that 
a  short  one — from  history  to  romance.  The  loss 
of  the  horses,  so  important  and  so  few  in  number, 
was  seriously  felt  by  Cortes,  who  could  have  better 
spared  the  life  of  the  best  rider  in  the  troop. 

The  struggle  was  a  hard  one.  But  the  odds 
were   as  overwhelming  as   any  recorded   by  the 

"  "  I  les  mataron  dos  caballos,  de  dos  cuchilladas,  i  segun  algunos, 
que  lo  vieron,  cortaron  a  cercen  de  un  golpe  cada  pescue^o,  con  rien- 
das,  i  todas."    Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  45.* 

*  [The  Mexican  sword  was  a  horrible  affair.  On  two  sides  of  a 
stick  three  feet  and  a  half  long  and  four  inches  wide  were  fastened 
a  number  of  obsidian  razors  about  three  inches  long  and  one  or  two 
inches  wide.  These  razors  were  the  thickness  of  a  sword  blade. 
They  were  at  first  wonderfully  sharp, — so  sharp  that  once  a  horse 
was  beheaded  at  one  stroke, — but  soon  lost  their  edge.  The  sword 
was  tied  to  the  arm  by  a  string  that  it  should  not  be  lost  in  battle.— M.] 


1519]  DESPERATE   BATTLES  117 

Spaniards  in  their  own  romances,  where  a  handful 
of  knights  is  arrayed  against  legions  of  enemies. 
The  lances  of  the  Christians  did  terrible  execution 
here  also ;  but  they  had  need  of  the  magic  lance  of 
Astolpho,  that  overturned  myriads  with  a  touch, 
to  carry  them  safe  through  so  unequal  a  contest. 
It  was  with  no  little  satisfaction,  therefore,  that 
they  beheld  their  comrades  rapidly  advancing  to 
their  support. 

No  sooner  had  the  main  body  reached  the  field 
of  battle,  than,  hastily  forming,  they  poured  such 
a  volley  from  their  muskets  and  cross-bows  as 
staggered  the  enemy.  Astounded,  rather  than  in- 
timidated, by  the  terrible  report  of  the  fire-arms, 
now  heard  for  the  first  time  in  these  regions,  the 
Indians  made  no  further  effort  to  continue  the 
fight,  but  drew  off  in  good  order,  leaving  the  road 
open  to  the  Spaniards.  The  latter,  too  well  satis- 
fied to  be  rid  of  the  annoyance  to  care  to  follow  the 
retreating  foe,  again  held  on  their  way. 

Their  route  took  them  through  a  country 
sprinkled  over  with  Indian  cottages,  amidst  flour- 
ishing fields  of  maize  and  maguey,  indicating  an 
industrious  and  thriving  peasantry.  They  were  met 
here  by  two  Tlascalan  envoys,  accompanied  by  two 
of  the  Cempoallans.  The  former,  presenting  them- 
selves before  the  general,  disavowed  the  assault  on 
his  troops,  as  an  unauthorized  act,  and  assured  him 
of  a  friendly  reception  at  their  capital.  Cortes 
received  the  communication  in  a  courteous  man- 
ner, affecting  to  place  more  confidence  in  its  good 
faith  than  he  probably  felt. 

It  was  now  growing  late,  and  the  Spaniards 


118  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

quickened  their  march,  anxious  to  reach  a  favor- 
able ground  for  encampment  before  nightfall. 
They  found  such  a  spot  on  the  borders  of  a  stream 
that  rolled  sluggishly  across  the  plain.  A  few  de- 
serted cottages  stood  along  the  banks,  and  the  fa- 
tigued and  famished  soldiers  ransacked  them  in 
quest  of  food.  All  they  could  find  was  some  tame 
animals  resembling  dogs.  These  they  killed  and 
dressed  without  ceremony,  and,  garnishing  their 
unsavory  repast  with  the  fruit  of  the  tuTia,  the  In- 
dian fig,  which  grew  wild  in  the  neighborhood, 
they  contrived  to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  appetite. 
A  careful  watch  was  maintained  by  Cortes,  and 
companies  of  a  hundred  men  each  relieved  each 
other  in  mounting  guard  through  the  night.  But 
no  attack  was  made.  Hostilities  by  night  were 
contrary  to  the  system  of  Indian  tactics.^*^ 

By  break  of  day  on  the  following  morning,  it 
being  the  second  of  September,  the  troops  were 
under  arms.  Besides  the  Spaniards,  the  whole 
number  of  Indian  auxiliaries  might  now  amount  to 
three  thousand;  for  Cortes  had  gathered  recruits 
from  the  friendly  places  on  his  route, — three  hun- 
dred from  the  last.  After  hearing  mass,  they  re- 
sumed their  march.  They  moved  in  close  array; 
the  general  had  previously  admonished  the  men 
not  to  lag  behind,  or  wander  from  the  ranks  a  mo- 
ment, as  stragglers  would  be  sure  to  be  cut  off  by 
their  stealthy  and  vigilant  enemy.    The  horsemen 


"Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  50. — Camargo,  Hist,  de 
Tlascala,  MS. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  63.— Go- 
mara,  Cronica,  cap.  45.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap. 
3,  41.— Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  10. 


1519]  DESPERATE   BATTLES  119 

rode  three  abreast,  the  better  to  give  one  another 
support ;  and  Cortes  instructed  them  in  the  heat  of 
fight  to  keep  together,  and  never  to  charge  singly. 
He  taught  them  how  to  carry  their  lances  that  they 
might  not  be  wrested  from  their  hands  by  the  In- 
dians, who  constantly  attempted  it.  For  the  same 
reason,  they  should  avoid  giving  thrusts,  but  aim 
their  weapons  steadily  at  the  faces  of  their  foes.^^ 

They  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  they  were 
met  by  the  two  remaining  Cempoallan  envoys,  who 
with  looks  of  terror  informed  the  general  that  they 
had  been  treacherously  seized  and  confined,  in  or- 
der to  be  sacrificed  at  an  approaching  festival  of 
the  Tlascalans,  but  in  the  night  had  succeeded  in 
making  their  escape.  They  gave  the  unwelcome 
tidings,  also,  that  a  large  force  of  the  natives  was 
already  assembled  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the 
Spaniards. 

Soon  after,  they  came  in  sight  of  a  body  of  In- 
dians, about  a  thousand,  apparently,  all  armed, 
and  brandishing  their  weapons,  as  the  Christians 
approached,  in  token  of  defiance.  Cortes,  when 
he  had  come  within  hearing,  ordered  the  interpre- 
ters to  proclaim  that  he  had  no  hostile  intentions, 
but  wished  only  to  be  allowed  a  passage  through 
their  country,  which  he  had  entered  as  a  friend. 
This  declaration  he  commanded  the  royal  notary, 
Godoy,  to  record  on  the  spot,  that,  if  blood  were 
shed,  it  might  not  be  charged  on  the  Spaniards. 
This  pacific  proclamation  was  met,  as  usual  on  such 

"■ "  Que  quando  rorapiessemos  por  los  esquadrones,  que  Ueuassen 
las  lan^as  por  las  caras,  y  no  parassen  a  dar  lan^adas,  porque  no  les 
echassen  mano  dellas."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  62. 


120  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

occasions,  by  a  shower  of  darts,  stones,  and  arrows, 
which  fell  like  rain  on  the  Spaniards,  rattling  on 
their  stout  harness,  and  in  some  instances  pene- 
trating to  the  skin.  Galled  by  the  smart  of  their 
wounds,  they  called  on  the  general  to  lead  them  on, 
till  he  sounded  the  well-loiown  battle-cry,  "  St. 
Jago,  and  at  them!  "  ^^ 

The  Indians  maintained  their  ground  for  a 
while  with  spirit,  when  they  retreated  with  precipi- 
tation, but  not  in  disorder.^^  The  Spaniards, 
whose  blood  was  heated  by  the  encounter,  followed 
up  their  advantage  with  more  zeal  than  prudence, 
suffering  the  wily  enemy  to  draw  them  into  a  nar- 
row glen  or  defile  intersected  by  a  little  stream  of 
water,  where  the  broken  ground  w^as  impracticable 
for  artillery,  as  well  as  for  the  movements  of  cav- 
alry. Pressing  forward  with  eagerness,  to  extri- 
cate themselves  from  their  perilous  position,  to 
their  great  dismay,  on  turning  an  abrupt  angle  of 
the  pass,  they  came  in  presence  of  a  numerous 
army,  choking  up  the  gorge  of  the  valley,  and 
stretching  far  over  the  plains  beyond.  To  the 
astonished  eyes  of  Cortes,  they  appeared  a  hun- 
dred thousand  men,  while  no  account  estimates 
them  at  less  than  thirty  thousand. ^^ 

"  "  Entonces  dixo  Cortes,  '  Santiago,  y  d  ellos.' "  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  63. 

""Una  gentil  contienda,"  says  Gomara  of  this  skirmish.  Cro- 
nica,  cap.  46. 

"  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  51.  According  to  Gomara 
(Cronica,  cap.  46),  the  enemy  mustered  80,000.  So,  also,  Ixtlilxochitl. 
(Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83.)  Bernal  Diaz  says,  more  than  40,000. 
(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  63.)  But  Herrera  (Hist,  general,  dec. 
2,  lib.  6,  cap.  5)  and  Torquemada  (Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  50) 
reduce  them  to  30,000.     One  might  as  easily  reckon  the  leaves  in  a 


1519]  DESPERATE   BATTLES  121 

They  presented  a  confused  assemblage  of  hel- 
mets, weapons,  and  many-colored  plumes,  glanc- 
ing bright  in  the  morning  sun,  and  mingling 
with  banners,  above  which  proudly  floated  one  that 
bore  as  a  device  the  heron  on  a  rock.  It  was  the 
well-known  ensign  of  the  house  of  Titcala,  and, 
as  well  as  the  white  and  yellow  stripes  on  the  bodies 
and  the  like  colors  on  the  feather-mail  of  the  In- 
dians, showed  that  they  were  the  warriors  of  Xico- 
tencatl.^^ 

As  the  Spaniards  came  in  sight,  the  Tlascalans 
set  up  a  hideous  war-cry,  or  rather  whistle,  pierc- 
ing the  ear  with  its  shrillness,  and  which,  with  the 
beat  of  their  melancholy  drums,  that  could  be 
heard  for  half  a  league  or  more,"*'  might  well  have 
filled  the  stoutest  heart  with  dismay.  This  for- 
midable host  came  rolling  on  towards  the  Chris- 
tians, as  if  to  overwhelm  them  by  their  very  num- 
bers. But  the  courageous  band  of  warriors, 
closely  serried  together  and  sheltered  under  their 

forest,  as  the  numbers  of  a  confused  throng  of  barbarians.  As  this 
was  only  one  of  several  armies  kept  on  foot  by  the  Tlascalans,  the 
smallest  amount  is,  probably,  too  large.  The  whole  population  of  the 
state,  according  to  Clavigero,  who  would  not  be  likely  to  underrate  it, 
did  not  exceed  half  a  million  at  the  time  of  the  invasion.  Stor.  del 
Messico,  tom.  i.  p.  156. 

'^'^ "  La  divisa  y  armas  de  la  casa  y  cabecera  de  Titcala  es  una  garga 
blanca  sobre  un  peilasco."  (Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.)  "  El 
capitan  general,"  says  Bernal  Diaz,  "  que  se  dezia  Xicotenga,  y  con 
sus  diuisas  de  bianco  y  Colorado,  porque  aquella  diuisa  y  librea  era 
de  aquel  Xicotenga."     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  63. 

'° "  Llaman  Teponaztle  ques  de  un  trozo  de  madero  concavado  y 
de  una  pieza  rollizo  y,  como  decimos,  hueco  por  de  dentro,  que  suena 
algunas  veces  mas  de  media  legua  y  con  el  atambor  hace  estraiia  y 
suave  consonancia."  (Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.)  Clavigero, 
who  gives  a  drawing  of  this  same  drum,  says  it  is  still  used  by  the 
Indians,  and  may  be  heard  two  or  three  mUes.  Stor.  del  Messico, 
tom.  ii.  p.  179. 


122  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

strong  panoplies,  received  the  shock  unshaken, 
while  the  broken  masses  of  the  enemy,  chafing  and 
heaving  tumultuously  around  them,  seemed  to 
recede  only  to  return  with  new  and  accumulated 
force. 

Cortes,  as  usual,  in  the  front  of  danger,  in  vain 
endeavored,  at  the  head  of  the  horse,  to  open  a 
passage  for  the  infantry.  Still  his  men,  both  cav- 
alry and  foot,  kept  their  array  unbroken,  offering 
no  assailable  point  to  their  foe.  A  body  of  the 
Tlascalans,  however,  acting  in  concert,  assaulted  a 
soldier  named  Moran,  one  of  the  best  riders  in  the 
troop.  They  succeeded  in  dragging  him  from  his 
horse,  which  they  despatched  with  a  thousand 
blows.  The  Spaniards,  on  foot,  made  a  desperate 
effort  to  rescue  their  comrade  from  the  hands  of 
the  enemy,— and  from  the  horrible  doom  of  the 
captive.  A  fierce  struggle  now  began  over  the 
body  of  the  prostrate  horse.  Ten  of  the  Spaniards 
were  wounded,  when  they  succeeded  in  retrieving 
the  unfortunate  cavalier  from  his  assailants,  but 
in  so  disastrous  a  plight  that  he  died  on  the  follow- 
ing day.  The  horse  was  borne  off  in  triumph  by 
the  Indians,  and  his  mangled  remains  were  sent, 
a  strange  trophy,  to  the  different  towns  of  Tlas- 
cala.  The  circumstance  troubled  the  Spanish  com- 
mander, as  it  divested  the  animal  of  the  super- 
natural terrors  with  which  the  superstition  of  the 
natives  had  usually  surrounded  it.  To  prevent 
such  a  consequence,  he  had  caused  the  two  horses, 
killed  on  the  preceding  day,  to  be  secretly  buried 
on  the  spot. 

The  enemy  now  began  to  give  ground  gradu- 


1519]  DESPERATE   BATTLES  123 

ally,  borne  down  by  the  riders,  and  trampled  under 
the  hoofs  of  their  horses.  Through  the  whole  of 
this  sharp  encounter  the  Indian  allies  were  of  great 
service  to  the  Spaniards.  They  rushed  into  the 
water,  and  grappled  their  enemies,  with  the  des- 
peration of  men  who  felt  that  "  their  only  safety 
was  in  the  despair  of  safety."  ^^  "  I  see  nothing 
but  death  for  us,"  exclaimed  a  Cempoallan  chief  to 
Marina;  "we  shall  never  get  through  the  pass 
aUve."  "  The  God  of  the  Christians  is  with  us," 
answered  the  intrepid  woman;  "  and  He  will  carry 
us  safely  through."  ^^ 

Amidst  the  din  of  battle,  the  voice  of  Cortes 
was  heard,  cheering  on  his  soldiers.  "If  we  fail 
now,"  he  cried,  "  the  Cross  of  Christ  can  never  be 
planted  in  the  land.  Forward,  comrades!  When 
was  it  ever  known  that  a  Castilian  turned  his  back 
on  a  foe?  "  ^^  Animated  by  the  words  and  heroic 
bearing  of  their  general,  the  soldiers,  with  desper- 
ate efforts,  at  length  succeeded  in  forcing  a  pas- 
sage through  the  dark  columns  of  the  enemy,  and 
emerged  from  the  defile  on  the  open  plains  beyond. 

Here  they  quickly  recovered  their  confidence 
with  their  superiority.  The  horse  soon  opened  a 
space  for  the  manoeuvres  of  the  artillery.  The 
close  files  of  their  antagonists  presented  a  sure 
mark;  and  the  thunders  of  the  ordnance  vomiting 

""Una  illis  fuit  spes  salutis,  desperasse  de  salute."  (P.  Martyr, 
De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  1,  cap.  1.)  It  is  said  with  the  classic  energy  of 
Tacitus. 

=" "  Respondiole  Marina,  que  no  tuviese  miedo,  porque  el  Dios  de 
los  Christianos,  que  es  muy  poderoso,  i  los  queria  mucho,  los  sacaria 
de  peligro."     Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  5. 

™  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


124  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

forth  torrents  of  fire  and  sulphurous  smoke,  the 
wide  desolation  caused  in  their  ranks,  and  the 
strangely  mangled  carcasses  of  the  slain,  filled  the 
barbarians  with  consternation  and  horror.  They 
had  no  weapons  to  cope  with  these  terrible  engines, 
and  their  clumsy  missiles,  discharged  from  uncer- 
tain hands,  seemed  to  fall  ineffectual  on  the 
charmed  heads  of  the  Christians.  What  added  to 
their  embarrassment  was  the  desire  to  carry  off  the 
dead  and  wounded  from  the  field,  a  general  prac- 
tice among  the  people  of  Anahuac,  but  one  which 
necessarily  exposed  them,  while  thus  employed,  to 
still  greater  loss. 

Eight  of  their  principal  chiefs  had  now  fallen, 
and  Xicotencatl,  finding  himself  wholly  unable  to 
make  head  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  open  field, 
ordered  a  retreat.  Far  from  the  confusion  of  a 
panic-struck  mob,  so  common  among  barbarians, 
the  Tlascalan  force  moved  off  the  ground  with  all 
the  order  of  a  well-disciplined  army.  Cortes,  as 
on  the  preceding  day,  was  too  well  satisfied  with 
his  present  advantage  to  desire  to  follow  it  up.  It 
was  within  an  hour  of  sunset,  and  he  was  anxious 
before  nightfall  to  secure  a  good  position,  where 
he  might  refresh  his  wounded  troops  and  bivouac 
for  the  night.^° 

Gathering  up  his  wounded,  he  held  on  his  way, 
without  loss  of  time,  and  before  dusk  reached  a 
rocky  eminence,  called  Tzompachtepetl,  or  "  the 

"Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  3,  45.— Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83.— Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p. 
51. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  63,— Gomara,  Cronica, 
cap.  40. 


1519]  DESPERATE  BATTLES  125 

hill  of  Tzompach."  It  was  crowned  by  a  sort  of 
tower  or  temple,  the  remains  of  which  are  still 
visible. ^^  His  first  care  was  given  to  the  wounded, 
both  men  and  horses.  Fortunately,  an  abundance 
of  provisions  was  found  in  some  neighboring  cot- 
tages; and  the  soldiers,  at  least  all  who  were  not 
disabled  by  their  injuries,  celebrated  the  victory  of 
the  day  with  feasting  and  rejoicing. 

As  to  the  number  of  killed  or  v.ounded  on  either 
side,  it  is  matter  of  loosest  conjecture.  The  In- 
dians must  have  suffered  severely,  but  the  practice 
of  carrying  off  the  dead  from  the  field  made  it  im- 
possible to  know  to  what  extent.  The  injury  sus- 
tained by  the  Spaniards  appears  to  have  been  prin- 
cipally in  the  number  of  their  wounded.  The 
great  object  of  the  natives  of  Anahuac  in  their 
battles  was  to  make  prisoners,  who  might  grace 
their  triumphs  and  supply  victims  for  sacrifice. 
To  this  brutal  superstition  the  Christians  were  in- 
debted, in  no  slight  degree,  for  their  personal  pres- 
ervation. To  take  the  reports  of  the  Conquerors, 
their  own  losses  in  action  were  always  inconsider- 
able. But  whoever  has  had  occasion  to  consult  the 
ancient  chroniclers  of  Spain  in  relation  to  its  wars 
with  the  infidel,  whether  Arab  or  American,  will 
place  little  confidence  in  numbers.^^ 

"Viaje  de  Cortfe,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  ix. 

'-  According  to  Cortes,  not  a  Spaniard  fell — though  many  were 
wounded — in  this  action  so  fatal  to  the  infidel!  Diaz  allows  one.  In 
the  famous  battle  of  Navas  de  Tolosa,  between  the  Spaniards  and 
Arabs,  in  1212,  equally  matched  in  military  science  at  that  time,  there 
were  left  200,000  of  the  latter  on  the  field;  and,  to  balance  this  bloody 
roll,  only  five-and-twenty  Christians!  See  the  estimate  in  Alfonso 
IX.'s  veracious  letter,  ap.  Mariana  (Hist,  de  Espana,  lib.  2,  cap.  24). 
The  official  returns  of  the  old  Castilian  crusaders,  whether  in  the  Old 


126  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

The  events  of  the  day  had  suggested  many  top- 
ics for  painful  reflection  to  Cortes.  He  had  no- 
where met  with  so  determined  a  resistance  within 
the  borders  of  Anahuac;  nowhere  had  he  encoun- 
tered native  troops  so  formidable  for  their  wea- 
pons, their  discipline,  and  their  valor.  Far  from 
manifesting  the  superstitious  terrors  felt  by  the 
other  Indians  at  the  strange  arms  and  aspect  of  the 
Spaniards,  the  Tlascalans  had  boldly  grappled 
with  their  enemy,  and  only  yielded  to  the  inevitable 
superiority  of  his  military  science.  How  impor- 
tant would  the  alliance  of  such  a  nation  be  in  a 
struggle  with  those  of  their  own  race, — for  exam- 
ple, with  the  Aztecs!  But  how  was  he  to  secure 
this  alliance?  Hitherto,  all  overtures  had  been 
rejected  with  disdain;  and  it  seemed  probable  that 
every  step  of  his  progress  in  this  populous  land 
was  to  be  fiercely  contested.  His  army,  especially 
the  Indians,  celebrated  the  events  of  the  day  with 
feasting  and  dancing,  songs  of  merriment,  and 
shouts  of  triumph.  Cortes  encouraged  it,  well 
knowing  how  important  it  was  to  keep  up  the  spir- 
its of  his  soldiers.  But  the  sounds  of  revelry  at 
length  died  away;  and,  in  the  still  watches  of  the 
night,  many  an  anxious  thought  must  have 
crowded  on  the  mind  of  the  general,  while  his  little 
army  lay  buried  in  slumber  in  its  encampment 
around  the  Indian  hill. 

World  or  the  New,  are  scarcely  more  trustworthy  than  a  French 
imperial  bulletin  in  our  day. 


CHAPTER   III 

DECISIVE  VICTORY— INDIAN  COUNCIL— NIGHT-AT- 
TACK—NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  ENEMY— TLAS- 
CALAN  HERO 

1519 

THE  Spaniards  were  allowed  to  repose  undis- 
turbed the  following  day,  and  to  recruit  their 
strength  after  the  fatigue  and  hard  fighting  of  the 
preceding.  They  found  sufficient  employment, 
however,  in  repairing  and  cleaning  their  weapons, 
replenishing  their  diminished  stock  of  arrows,  and 
getting  everything  in  order  for  further  hostilities, 
should  the  severe  lesson  they  had  inflicted  on  the 
enemy  prove  insufficient  to  discourage  him.  On 
the  second  day,  as  Cortes  received  no  overtures 
from  the  Tlascalans,  he  determined  to  send  an  em- 
bassy to  their  camp,  proposing  a  cessation  of  hos- 
tilities, and  expressing  his  intention  to  visit  their 
capital  as  a  friend.  He  selected  two  of  the  prin- 
cipal chiefs  taken  in  the  late  engagement,  as  the 
bearers  of  the  message. 

Meanwhile,  averse  to  leaving  his  men  longer  in 
a  dangerous  state  of  inaction,  which  the  enemy 
might  interpret  as  the  result  of  timidity  or  exhaus- 
tion, he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry  and 
such  light  troops  as  were  most  fit  for  service,  and 

127 


128  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

made  a  foray  into  the  neighboring  country.  It 
was  a  mountainous  region,  formed  by  a  ramifica- 
tion of  the  great  sierra  of  Tlascala,  with  verdant 
slopes  and  valleys  teeming  with  maize  and  plan- 
tations of  maguey,  while  the  eminences  were 
crowned  with  populous  towns  and  villages.  In 
one  of  these,  he  tells  us,  he  found  three  thousand 
dwellings.^  In  some  places  he  met  with  a  resolute 
resistance,  and  on  these  occasions  took  ample  ven- 
geance by  laying  the  country  waste  with  fire  and 
sword.  After  a  successful  inroad  he  returned 
laden  with  forage  and  provisions  and  driving  be- 
fore him  several  hundred  Indian  captives.  He 
treated  them  kindly,  however,  when  arrived  in 
camp,  endeavoring  to  make  them  understand  that 
these  acts  of  violence  were  not  dictated  by  his  own 
wishes,  but  by  the  unfriendly  policy  of  their  coun- 
trymen. In  this  way  he  hoped  to  impress  the  na- 
tion with  the  conviction  of  his  power  on  the  one 
hand,  and  of  his  amicable  intentions,  if  met  by 
them  in  the  like  spirit,  on  the  other. 

On  reaching  his  quarters,  he  found  the  two  en- 
voys returned  from  the  Tlascalan  camp.  They 
had  fallen  in  with  Xicotencatl  at  about  two 
leagues'  distance,  where  he  lay  encamped  with  a 
powerful  force.  The  cacique  gave  them  audience 
at  the  head  of  his  troops.    He  told  them  to  return 


*  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  52. — Oviedo,  who  made 
free  use  of  the  manuscripts  of  Cortes,  writes  thirty-nine  houses. 
(Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  3.)  This  may  perhaps  be  ex- 
plained by  the  sign  for  a  thousand,  in  Spanish  notation,  bearing  great 
resemblance  to  the  figure  9.  Martyr,  who  had  access,  also,  to  the 
Conqueror's  manuscript,  confirms  the  larger  and,  o  priori,  less  prob- 
able number. 


1519]  DECISIVE   VICTORY  129 

with  the  answer,  "  that  the  Spaniards  might  pass 
on  as  soon  as  they  chose  to  Tlascala;  and,  when 
they  reached  it,  their  flesh  would  be  hewn  from 
their  bodies,  for  sacrifice  to  the  gods !  If  they  pre- 
ferred to  remain  in  their  own  quarters,  he  would 
pay  them  a  visit  there  the  next  day."^  The  ambas- 
sadors added  that  the  chief  had  an  immense  force 
with  him,  consisting  of  five  battalions  of  ten  thou- 
sand men  each.  They  were  the  flower  of  the 
Tlascalan  and  Otomi  warriors,  assembled  under 
the  banners  of  their  respective  leaders,  by  command 
of  the  senate,  who  were  resolved  to  try  the  fortunes 
of  the  state  in  a  pitched  battle  and  strike  one  de- 
cisive blow  for  the  extermination  of  the  invaders.^ 
This  bold  defiance  fell  heavily  on  the  ears  of  the 
Spaniards,  not  prepared  for  so  pertinacious  a 
spirit  in  their  enemy.  They  had  had  ample  proof 
of  his  courage  and  formidable  prowess.  They 
were  now,  in  their  crippled  condition,  to  encounter 
him  with  a  still  more  terrible  array  of  numbers. 
The  war,  too,  from  the  horrible  fate  with  which  it 
menaced  the  vanquished,  wore  a  peculiarly  gloomy 
aspect,  that  pressed  heavily  on  their  spirits.  "  We 
feared  death,"  says  the  lion-hearted  Diaz,  with  his 
usual  simplicity,  "  for  we  were  men."    There  was 

' "  Que  fuessemos  a  su  pueblo  adonde  esta  su  padre,  q  alia  harian 
las  pazes  c6  hartarse  de  nuestras  carnes,  y  honrar  sus  dioses  con  nues- 
tros  cora^ones,  y  sangre,  6  que  para  otro  dia  de  manana  veriamos  su 
respuesta."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  64. 

*  More  than  one  writer  repeats  a  story  of  the  Tlascalan  general's 
sending  a  good  supply  of  provisions,  at  this  time,  to  the  famished 
army  of  the  Spaniards;  to  put  thera  in  stomach,  it  may  be,  for  the 
fight.  (Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  46.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS., 
cap.  83.)  This  ultra-chivalrous  display  from  the  barbarian  is  not 
very  probable,  and  Cortes'  own  account  of  his  successful  foray  may 
much  better  explain  the  abundance  which  reigned  in  his  camp. 


130  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

scarcely  one  in  the  army  that  did  not  confess  him- 
self that  night  to  the  reverend  Father  Olmedo,  who 
was  occupied  nearly  the  whole  of  it  with  adminis- 
tering absolution,  and  with  the  other  solemn  offices 
of  the  Church.  Armed  with  the  blessed  sacra- 
ments, the  Catholic  soldier  lay  tranquilly  down  to 
rest,  prepared  for  any  fate  that  might  betide  him 
under  the  banner  of  the  Cross.'* 

As  a  battle  was  now  inevitable,  Cortes  resolved 
to  march  out  and  meet  the  enemy  in  the  field.  This 
would  have  a  show  of  confidence  that  might  serve 
the  double  purpose  of  intimidating  the  Tlascalans 
and  inspiriting  his  own  men,  whose  enthusiasm 
might  lose  somewhat  of  its  heat  if  compelled  to 
await  the  assault  of  their  antagonists,  inactive  in 
their  own  intrenchments.  The  sun  rose  bright 
on  the  following  morning,  the  fifth  of  September, 
1519,  an  eventful  day  in  the  history  of  the  Span- 
ish Conquest.  The  general  reviewed  his  army,  and 
gave  them,  preparatory  to  marching,  a  few  words 
of  encouragement  and  advice.  The  infantry  he 
instructed  to  rely  on  the  point  rather  than  the  edge 
of  their  swords,  and  to  endeavor  to  thrust  their 
opponents  through  the  body.  The  horsemen 
were  to  charge  at  half  speed,  with  their  lances 
aimed  at  the  eyes  of  the  Indians.  The  artillery, 
the  arquebusiers,  and  crossbowmen  were  to  sup- 
port one  another,  some  loading  while  others  dis- 
charged  their   pieces,    that   there    should   be    an 

*  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  52. — IxtlilxochitI,  Hist. 
Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83.— Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  AS,  47.— Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  la.s  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  3.  — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  64. 


1519]  DECISIVE   VICTORY  131 

unintermitted  firing  kept  up  through  the  action. 
Above  all,  they  were  to  maintain  their  ranks 
close  and  unbroken,  as  on  this  depended  their 
preservation. 

They  had  not  advanced  a  quarter  of  a  league, 
when  they  came  in  sight  of  the  Tlascalan  army. 
Its  dense  array  stretched  far  and  wide  over  a  vast 
plain  or  meadow-ground  about  six  miles  square. 
Its  appearance  justified  the  report  which  had  been 
given  of  its  numbers.^  Nothing  could  be  more 
picturesque  than  the  aspect  of  these  Indian  bat- 
talions, with  the  naked  bodies  of  the  common  sol- 
diers gaudily  painted,  the  fantastic  helmets  of  the 
chiefs  glittering  with  gold  and  precious  stones,  and 
the  glowing  panoplies  of  feather-work  which  dec- 
orated their  persons.*'  Innumerable  spears  and 
darts,  tipped  with  points  of  transparent  itztli  or 
fiery  copper,  sparkled  bright  in  the  morning  sun, 
like  the  phosphoric  gleams  playing  on  the  surface 
of  a  troubled  sea,  while  the  rear  of  the  mighty  host 
was  dark  with  the  shadows  of  banners,  on  which 
were  emblazoned  the  armorial  bearings  of  the  great 

°  Through  the  magnifying  lens  of  Cortes,  there  appeared  to  be 
150,000  men  (Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  52);  a  number  usually 
preferred  by  succeeding  writers. 

fi  ■'  Not  half  so  gorgeous,  for  their  May-day  mirth 

All  wreathed  and  ribanded.  our  youths  and  maids, 
As  these  stern  Tlascalans  in  war  attire! 
The  golden  glitterance,  and  the  feather-mail 
More  gay  than  glittering  gold;  and  round  the  helm 
A  coronal  of  high  upstanding  plumes. 
Green  as  the  spring  grass  in  a  sunny  shower; 
Or  scarlet  bright,  as  in  the  wintry  wood 
The  clustered  holly:  or  of  purple  tint; 
Whereto  shall  tliat  be  likened  ?  to  what  gem 
Indiademed,  what  flower,  what  insect's  wing? 
With  war-songs  and  wild  music  they  came  on; 
We,  the  while  kneeling,  raised  with  one  accord 
The  hymn  of  supplication." 

Sodthey's  Madoc,  Part  1,  canto  7. 


132  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

Tlascalan  and  Otomi  chieftains.'^  Among  these, 
the  white  heron  on  the  rock,  the  cognizance  of  the 
house  of  Xicotencatl,  was  conspicuous,  and,  still 
more,  the  golden  eagle  with  outspread  wings,  in 
the  fashion  of  a  Roman  signum,  richly  ornamented 
with  emeralds  and  silver-work,  the  great  standard 
of  the  republic  of  Tlascala.^  * 

The  common  file  wore  no  covering  except  a 
girdle  round  the  loins.  Their  bodies  were  painted 
with  the  appropriate  colors  of  the  chieftain  whose 
banner  they  followed.  The  feather-mail  of  the 
higher  class  of  warriors  exhibited,  also,  a  similar 
selection  of  colors  for  the  like  object,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  color  of  the  tartan  indicates  the  pe- 
culiar clan  of  the  Highlander.^ 

'  The  standards  of  the  Mexicans  were  carried  in  the  centre,  those 
of  the  Tlascalans  in  the  rear  of  the  army.  (Clavigero,  Stor.  del 
Messico,  vol.  ii.  p.  145.)  According  to  the  Anonymous  Conqueror, 
the  banner-staff  was  attached  to  the  back  of  the  ensign,  so  that  it  was 
impossible  to  be  torn  away.  "  Ha  ogni  copagnia  il  suo  Alfiere  con  la 
sua  insegna  inhastata,  et  in  tal  modo  ligata  sopra  le  spalle,  che  non 
gli  da  alcun  disturbo  di  poter  combattere  ne  far  cio  che  vuole,  et  la 
porta  cosi  ligata  bene  al  corpo,  che  se  no  fanno  del  suo  corpo  pezzi, 
non  se  gli  puo  sligare,  ne  torgliela  mai."  Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo, 
ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  305. 

*  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2, 
lib.  6,  cap.  6. — Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  46. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  64.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  45. 
— The  last  two  authors  speak  of  the  device  of  "  a  white  bird  like 
an  ostrich,"  as  that  of  the  republic.  They  have  evidently  confounded 
it  with  that  of  the  Indian  general.  Camargo,  who  has  given  the 
heraldic  emblems  of  the  four  great  families  of  Tlascala,  notices  the 
white  heron  as  that  of  Xicotencatl. 

"  The  accounts  of  the  Tlascalan  chronicler  are  confirmed  by  the 
Anonymous    Conqueror    and    by    Bernal    Diaz,    both    eyewitnesses; 

*  [I.e.,  the  standard  of  the  tribe.  The  tribe  was  divided  into 
phratries.  Each  phratry  had  its  peculiar  cognizance,  as  had  also 
each  of  the  clans  into  which  the  phratry  was  divided.  It  was  the 
color  of  the  clan,  and  not  of  its  war  chief,  by  wliich  the  warriors 
were  distinguished.— M.] 


1519]  DECISIVE  VICTORY  133 

The  caciques  and  principal  warriors  were 
clothed  in  quilted  cotton  tunics,  two  inches  thick, 
which,  fitting  close  to  the  body,  protected  also  the 
thighs  and  the  shoulders.  Over  these  the  wealthier 
Indians  wore  cuirasses  of  thin  gold  plate,  or  silver. 
Their  legs  were  defended  by  leathern  boots  or  san- 
dals, trimmed  with  gold.  But  the  most  brilliant 
part  of  their  costume  was  a  rich  mantle  of  the  plu- 
maje  or  feather-work,  embroidered  with  curious 
art,  and  furnishing  some  resemblance  to  the  gor- 
geous surcoat  worn  by  the  European  knight  over 
his  armor  in  the  Middle  Ages.  This  graceful  and 
picturesque  dress  was  surmounted  by  a  fantastic 
head-piece  made  of  wood  or  leather,  representing 
the  head  of  some  wild  animal,  and  frequently  dis- 
playing a  formidable  array  of  teeth.  With  this 
covering  the  warrior's  head  was  enveloped,  pro- 
ducing a  most  grotesque  and  hideous  effect.^'' 
From  the  crown  floated  a  splendid  panache  of  the 
richly  variegated  plumage  of  the  tropics,  indicat- 
ing, by  its  form  and  colors,  the  rank  and  family  of 
the  wearer.  To  complete  their  defensive  armor, 
they  carried  shields  or  targets,  made  sometimes  of 
wood  covered  with  leather,  but  more  usually  of  a 

though  the  latter  frankly  declares  that  had  he  not  seen  them  with  his 
own  eyes  he  should  never  have  credited  the  existence  of  orders  and 
badges  among  the  barbarians,  like  those  found  among  the  civilized 
nations  of  Europe.  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  64,  et  alibi.— Ca- 
margo.  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. — Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio, 
torn.  iii.  fol.  305. 

10 "  portano  in  testa,"  says  the  Anonymous  Conqueror,  "  per  difesa 
una  cosa  come  teste  di  serpeti,  b  di  tigri,  6  di  leoni,  o  di  lupi,  che  ha 
le  mascelle,  et  e  la  testa  dell'  huomo  messa  nella  testa  di  qsto  animale 
come  se  lo  volesse  diuorare:  sono  di  legno,  et  sopra  vi  e  la  pena,  et  di 
piastra  d'oro  et  di  pietre  preciose  copte,  che  e  cosa  marauigliosa  da 
vedere."    Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  305. 


134  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

light  frame  of  reeds  quilted  with  cotton,  which 
were  preferred,  as  tougher  and  less  liable  to  frac- 
ture than  the  former.  They  had  other  bucklers, 
in  which  the  cotton  was  covered  with  an  elastic  sub- 
stance, enabling  them  to  be  shut  up  in  a  more 
compact  form,  like  a  fan  or  umbrella.  These 
shields  were  decorated  with  showy  ornaments,  ac- 
cording to  the  taste  or  wealth  of  the  wearer,  and 
fringed  with  a  beautiful  pendant  of  feather-work. 

Their  weapons  were  slings,  bows  and  arrows, 
javelins,  and  darts.  They  were  accomplished  arch- 
ers, and  would  discharge  two  or  even  three  arrows 
at  a  time.  But  they  most  excelled  in  throwing  the 
javelin.  One  species  of  this,  with  a  thong  attached 
to  it,  which  remained  in  the  slinger's  hand,  that  he 
might  recall  the  weapon,  was  especially  dreaded 
by  the  Spaniards.  These  various  weapons  were 
pointed  with  bone,  or  the  mineral  itztli  (obsidian) , 
the  hard  vitreous  substance  already  noticed  as  ca- 
pable of  taking  an  edge  like  a  razor,  though  easily 
blunted.  Their  spears  and  arrows  were  also  fre- 
quently headed  with  copper.  Instead  of  a  sword, 
they  bore  a  two-handed  staff,  about  three  feet  and 
a  half  long,  in  which,  at  regular  distances,  were 
inserted,  transversely,  sharp  blades  of  itztli,— a. 
formidable  weapon,  which,  an  eyewitness  assures 
us,  he  had  seen  fell  a  horse  at  a  blow.^^ 

Such  was  the  costume  of  the  Tlascalan  warrior, 
and,  indeed,  of  that  great  family  of  nations  gener- 

"  "  I  saw  one  day  an  Indian  make  a  thrust  at  the  horse  of  a  cava- 
lier with  whom  he  was  fighting,  which  pierced  its  breast,  and  pene- 
trated so  deep  that  it  immediately  fell  dead;  and  the  same  day  I  saw 
another  Indian  cut  the  neck  of  a  horse,  which  fell  dead  at  his  feet." 
Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  iii.  fol.  305. 


1519]  DECISIVE   VICTORY  135 

ally  who  occupied  the  plateau  of  Anahuac.  Some 
parts  of  it,  as  the  targets  and  the  cotton  mail,  or 
escawpil,  as  it  was  called  in  Castilian,  were  so  ex- 
cellent that  they  were  subsequently  adopted  by  the 
Spaniards,  as  equally  effectual  in  the  way  of  pro- 
tection, and  superior  on  the  score  of  lightness  and 
convenience  to  their  own.  They  were  of  sufficient 
strength  to  turn  an  arrow  or  the  stroke  of  a  jave- 
lin, although  impotent  as  a  defence  against  fire- 
arms. But  what  armor  is  not?  Yet  it  is  probably 
no  exaggeration  to  say  that,  in  convenience,  grace- 
fulness, and  strength,  the  arms  of  the  Indian  war- 
rior were  not  very  inferior  to  those  of  the  polished 
nations  of  antiquity.^  ^ 

As  soon  as  the  Castilians  came  in  sight,  the 
Tlascalans  set  up  their  yell  of  defiance,  rising  high 
above  the  wild  barbaric  minstrelsy  of  shell,  atabal, 
and  trumpet,  with  which  they  proclaimed  their  tri- 
umphant anticipations  of  victory  over  the  paltry 
forces  of  the  invaders.  When  the  latter  had  come 
within  bowshot,  the  Indians  hurled  a  tempest  of 
missiles,  that  darkened  the  sun  for  a  moment  as 
with  a  passing  cloud,  strewing  the  earth  around 
with  heaps  of  stones  and  arrows.^ ^  Slowly  and 
steadily  the  little  band  of  Spaniards  held  on  its 
way  amidst  this  arrowy  shower,  until  it  had  reached 

"  Particular  notices  of  the  military  dress  and  appointments  of  the 
American  tribes  on  the  plateau  may  be  found  in  Camargo,  Hist,  de 
Tlascala,  MS., — Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  ii.  p.  101,  et  seq., 
—  Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  26, — Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn, 
iii.  fol.  305,  et  auct.  al. 

"  "  Que  granizo  de  piedra  de  los  honderos !  Pues  flechas  todo  el 
suelo  hecho  parva  de  varas  todas  de  a  dos  gajos,  que  passan  qual- 
quiera  arma,  y  las  entranas  adonde  no  ay  defensa."  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  G5. 


136  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

what  appeared  the  proper  distance  for  delivering 
its  fire  with  full  effect.  Cortes  then  halted,  and, 
hastily  forming  his  troops,  opened  a  general  well- 
directed  fire  along  the  whole  line.  Every  shot  bore 
its  errand  of  death;  and  the  ranks  of  the  Indians 
were  mowed  down  faster  than  their  comrades  in 
the  rear  could  carry  off  their  bodies,  according  to 
custom,  from  the  field.  The  balls  in  their  passage 
through  the  crowded  files,  bearing  splinters  of  the 
broken  harness  and  mangled  limbs  of  the  warriors, 
scattered  havoc  and  desolation  in  their  path.  The 
mob  of  barbarians  stood  petrified  with  dismay,  till 
at  length,  galled  to  desperation  by  their  intolerable 
suffering,  they  poured  forth  simultaneously  their 
hideous  war-shriek  and  rushed  impetuously  on  the 
Christians. 

On  they  came  like  an  avalanche,  or  mountain 
torrent,  shaking  the  solid  earth  and  sweeping 
away  every  obstacle  in  its  path.  The  little  army  of 
Spaniards  opposed  a  bold  front  to  the  overwhelm- 
ing mass.  But  no  strength  could  withstand  it. 
They  faltered,  gave  way,  were  borne  along  before 
it,  and  their  ranks  were  broken  and  thrown  into 
disorder.  It  was  in  vain  the  general  called  on  them 
to  close  again  and  rally.  His  voice  was  drowned 
by  the  din  of  fight  and  the  fierce  cries  of  the 
assailants.  For  a  moment,  it  seemed  that  all  was 
lost.  The  tide  of  battle  had  turned  against  them, 
and  the  fate  of  the  Christians  was  sealed. 

But  every  man  had  that  within  his  bosom  which 
spoke  louder  than  the  voice  of  the  general.  De- 
spair gave  unnatural  energy  to  his  arm.  The 
naked  body  of  the  Indian  afforded  no  resistance 


1519]  DECISIVE   VICTORY  137 

to  the  sharp  Toledo  steel;  and  with  their  good 
swords  the  Spanish  infantry  at  length  succeeded  in 
staying  the  human  torrent.  The  heavy  guns  from 
a  distance  thundered  on  the  flank  of  the  assailants, 
which,  shaken  by  the  iron  tempest,  was  thrown  into 
disorder.  Their  very  numbers  increased  the  con- 
fusion, as  they  were  precipitated  on  the  masses  in 
front.  The  horse  at  the  same  moment,  charging 
gallantly  under  Cortes,  followed  up  the  advantage, 
and  at  length  compelled  the  tumultuous  throng 
to  fall  back  with  greater  precipitation  and  disorder 
than  that  with  which  they  had  advanced. 

More  than  once  in  the  course  of  the  action  a 
similar  assault  was  attempted  by  the  Tlascalans, 
but  each  time  with  less  spirit  and  greater  loss. 
They  were  too  deficient  in  military  science  to  profit 
by  their  vast  superiority  in  numbers.  They  were 
distributed  into  companies,  it  is  ti-ue,  each  serving 
under  its  own  chieftain  and  banner.  But  they  were 
not  arranged  by  rank  and  file,  and  moved  in  a  con- 
fused mass,  promiscuously  heaped  together.  They 
Ivnew  not  how  to  concentrate  numbers  on  a  given 
point,  or  even  how  to  sustain  an  assault,  by  em- 
ploying successive  detachments  to  support  and 
relieve  one  another.  A  very  small  part  only  of 
their  array  could  be  brought  into  contact  with  an 
enemy  inferior  to  them  in  amount  of  forces.  The 
remainder  of  the  army,  inactive  and  worse  than 
useless,  in  the  rear,  served  only  to  press  tumultu- 
ously  on  the  advance  and  embarrass  its  movements 
by  mere  weight  of  numbers,  while  on  the  least 
alarm  they  were  seized  with  a  panic  and  threw  the 
whole  body  into  inextricable  confusion.     It  was. 


138  CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO 

in  short,  the  combat  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Per- 
sians over  again. 

Still,  the  great  numerical  superiority  of  the  In- 
dians might  have  enabled  them,  at  a  severe  cost  of 
their  own  lives,  indeed,  to  wear  out,  in  time,  the 
constancy  of  the  Spaniards,  disabled  by  wounds 
and  incessant  fatigue.  But,  fortunately  for  the 
latter,  dissensions  arose  among  their  enemies.  A 
Tlascalan  chieftain,  commanding  one  of  the  great 
divisions,  had  taken  umbrage  at  the  haughty  de- 
meanor of  Xicotencatl,  who  had  charged  him  with 
misconduct  or  cowardice  in  the  late  action.  The 
injured  cacique  challenged  his  rival  to  single  com- 
bat. This  did  not  take  place.  But,  burning  with 
resentment,  he  chose  the  present  occasion  to  in- 
dulge it,  by  drawing  off  his  forces,  amounting  to 
ten  thousand  men,  from  the  field.  He  also  per- 
suaded another  of  the  commanders  to  follow  his 
example. 

Thus  reduced  to  about  half  his  original  strength, 
and  that  greatly  crippled  by  the  losses  of  the  day, 
Xicotencatl  could  no  longer  maintain  his  ground 
against  the  Spaniards.  After  disputing  the  field 
with  admirable  courage  for  four  hours,  he  re- 
treated and  resigned  it  to  the  enemy.  The  Span- 
iards were  too  much  jaded,  and  too  many  were 
disabled  by  wounds,  to  allow  them  to  pursue ;  and 
Cortes,  satisfied  with  the  decisive  victory  he  had 
gained,  returned  in  triumph  to  his  position  on  the 
hill  of  Tzompach. 

The  number  of  killed  in  his  own  ranks  had  been 
very  small,  notwithstanding  the  severe  loss  inflicted 
on  the  enemv.    These  few  he  was  careful  to  burv 


1519]  DECISIVE   VICTORY  139 

where  they  could  not  be  discovered,  anxious  to  con- 
ceal not  only  the  amount  of  the  slain,  but  the  fact 
that  the  whites  were  mortal.^  ^  But  very  many  of 
the  men  were  wounded,  and  all  the  horses.  The 
trouble  of  the  Spaniards  was  much  enhanced  by 
the  want  of  many  articles  important  to  them  in 
their  present  exigency.  They  had  neither  oil  nor 
salt,  which,  as  before  noticed,  was  not  to  be  ob- 
tained in  Tlascala.  Their  clothing,  accommodated 
to  a  softer  climate,  was  ill  adapted  to  the  rude  air 
of  the  mountains ;  and  bows  and  arrows,  as  Bernal 
Diaz  sarcastically  remarks,  formed  an  indifferent 
protection  against  the  inclemency  of  the  weather.^ ^ 
Still,  they  had  much  to  cheer  them  in  the  events 
of  the  day ;  and  they  might  draw  from  them  a  rea- 
sonable ground  for  confidence  in  their  own  re- 
sources, such  as  no  other  experience  could  have 
supplied.  Not  that  the  results  could  authorize  any- 
thing like  contempt  for  their  Indian  foe.  Singly 
and  with  the  same  weapons,  he  might  have  stood 
his  ground  against  the  Spaniard.^ ^     But  the  suc- 

"  So  says  Bernal  Diaz;  who  at  the  same  time,  by  the  epithets  los 
muertos,  los  cuerpos,  plainly  contradicts  his  previous  boast  that  only 
one  Christian  fell  in  the  fight.  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  65.) 
Cortes  has  not  the  grace  to  acknowledge  that  one. 

i^Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  3.— Rel.  Seg.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  52.— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  6, 
cap.  6.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83.— Gomara,  Cr6nica, 
cap.  46.— Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  32.— Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  65,  66.— The  warm,  chivalrous  glow  of 
feeling  which  colors  the  rude  composition  of  the  last  chronicler 
makes  him  a  better  painter  than  his  more  correct  and  classical  ri- 
vals. And,  if  there  is  somewhat  too  much  of  the  self-complacent  tone 
of  the  quorum  pars  magna  fui  in  his  writing,  it  may  be  pardoned 
in  the  hero  of  more  than  a  hundred  battles  and  almost  as  many 
wounds. 

'*  The  Anonymous  Conqueror  bears  emphatic  testimony  to  the  valor 
of  the  Indians,  specifying  instances  in  which  he  had  seen  a  single 


140  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

cess  of  the  day  established  the  superiority  of  science 
and  disciphne  over  mere  physical  courage  and 
numbers.  It  was  fighting  over  again,  as  we  have 
said,  the  old  battle  of  the  European  and  the  Asi- 
atic. But  the  handful  of  Greeks  who  routed  the 
hosts  of  Xerxes  and  Darius,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered, had  not  so  obvious  an  advantage  on  the  score 
of  weapons  as  was  enjoyed  by  the  Spaniards  in 
these  wars.  The  use  of  fire-arms  gave  an  ascen- 
dency which  cannot  easily  be  estimated;  one  so 
great,  that  a  contest  between  nations  equally  civil- 
ized, which  should  be  similar  in  all  other  respects 
to  that  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  Tlascalans, 
would  probablj''  be  attended  with  a  similar  issue. 
To  all  this  must  be  added  the  effect  produced  by 
the  cavalry.  The  nations  of  Anahuac  had  no  large 
domesticated  animals,  and  were  unacquainted  with 
any  beast  of  burden.  Their  imaginations  were 
bewildered  when  they  beheld  the  strange  appari- 
tion of  the  horse  and  his  rider  moving  in  unison 
and  obedient  to  one  impulse,  as  if  possessed  of  a 
common  nature;  and  as  they  saw  the  terrible  ani- 
mal, with  his  "  neck  clothed  in  thunder,"  bearing 
down  their  squadrons  and  trampHng  them  in  the 
dust,  no  wonder  they  should  have  regarded  him 
with  the  mysterious  terror  felt  for  a  supernatural 
being.  A  very  little  reflection  on  the  manifold 
grounds  of  superiority,  both  moral  and  physical, 
possessed  by  the   Spaniards  in  this  contest,  will 

warrior  defend  himself  for  a  long  time  against  two,  three,  and  even 
four  Spaniards !  "  Sono  f ra  loro  di  valetissimi  huomini  et  che  ossano 
morir  ostinatissimamete.  Et  io  ho  veduto  un  d'  essi  difendersi  va- 
letemente  da  duoi  caualli  leggieri,  et  un  altro  da  tre,  et  quattro." 
Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  305. 


1519]  NIGHT-ATTACK  141 

surely  explain  the  issue,  without  any  disparage- 
ment to  the  courage  or  capacity  of  their  oppo- 
nents.^^ 

Cortes,  thinking  the  occasion  favorable,  followed 
up  the  important  blow  he  had  struck  by  a  new  mis- 
sion to  the  capital,  bearing  a  message  of  similar 
import  with  that  recently  sent  to  the  camp.  But 
the  senate  was  not  yet  sufficiently  humbled.  The 
late  defeat  caused,  indeed,  general  consternation. 
Maxixcatzin,  one  of  the  four  great  lords  who  pre- 
sided over  the  republic,  reiterated  with  greater 
force  the  arguments  before  urged  by  him  for  em- 
bracing the  proffered  alliance  of  the  strangers. 
The  armies  of  the  state  had  been  beaten  too  often 
to  allow  any  reasonable  hope  of  successful  resis- 
tance ;  and  he  enlarged  on  the  generosity  shown  by 
the  politic  Conqueror  to  his  prisoners — so  unusual 
in  Anahuac — as  an  additional  motive  for  an  alli- 
ance with  men  who  knew  how  to  be  friends  as  well 
as  foes. 

But  in  these  views  he  was  overruled  by  the  war- 
party,  whose  animosity  was  sharpened,  rather  than 
subdued,  by  the  late  discomfiture.  Their  hostile 
feelings  were  further  exasperated  by  the  younger 
Xicotencatl,  who  burned  for  an  opportunity  to  re- 
trieve his  disgrace,  and  to  wipe  away  the  stain 
which  had  fallen  for  the  first  time  on  the  arms  of 
the  republic. 

In  their  perplexity  they  called  in  the  assistance 
of  the  priests,  whose  authority  was  frequently  in- 

"  The  appalling  effect  of  the  cavalry  on  the  natives  reminds  one  of 
the  confusion  into  which  the  Roman  legions  were  thrown  by  the 
strange  appearance  of  the  elephants  in  their  first  engagements  with 
Pyrrhus,  as  told  by  Plutarch  in  his  life  of  that  prince. 


142  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

voked  in  the  deliberations  of  the  American  chiefs. 
The  latter  inquired,  with  some  simplicity,  of  these 
interpreters  of  fate,  whether  the  strangers  were 
supernatural  beings,  or  men  of  flesh  and  blood  like 
themselves.  The  priests,  after  some  consultation, 
are  said  to  have  made  the  strange  answer  that  the 
Spaniards,  though  not  gods,  were  children  of  the 
Sun,  that  they  derived  their  strength  from  that 
luminary,  and  when  his  beams  were  withdrawn 
their  powers  would  also  fail.  They  recommended 
a  night-attack,  therefore,  as  one  which  afforded 
the  best  chance  of  success.  This  apparently  child- 
ish response  may  have  had  in  it  more  of  cunning 
than  credulitJ^  It  was  not  improbably  suggested 
by  Xicotencatl  himself,  or  by  the  caciques  in  his 
interest,  to  reconcile  the  people  to  a  measure  which 
was  contrary  to  the  military  usages — indeed,  it 
may  be  said,  to  the  public  law — of  Anahuac. 
Whether  the  fruit  of  artifice  or  superstition,  it  pre- 
vailed ;  and  the  Tlascalan  general  was  empowered, 
at  the  head  of  a  detachment  of  ten  thousand  war- 
riors, to  try  the  eff*ect  of  an  assault  by  night  on  the 
Christian  camp. 

The  affair  was  conducted  with  such  secrecj"-  that 
it  did  not  reach  the  ears  of  the  Spaniards.  But 
their  general  was  not  one  who  allowed  himself, 
sleeping  or  waking,  to  be  surprised  on  his  post. 
Fortunately,  the  night  appointed  was  illumined 
by  the  full  beams  of  an  autumnal  moon;  and  one 
of  the  vedettes  perceived  by  its  light,  at  a  consid- 
erable distance,  a  large  body  of  Indians  moving 
towards  the  Christian  lines.  He  was  not  slow  in 
giving  the  alarm  to  the  garrison. 


1519]  NIGHT-ATTACK  143 

The  Spaniards  slept,  as  has  been  said,  with  their 
arms  by  their  side ;  while  their  horses,  picketed  near 
them,  stood  ready  saddled,  with  the  bridle  hanging 
at  the  bow.  In  five  minutes  the  whole  camp  was 
under  arms;  when  they  beheld  the  dusky  columns 
of  the  Indians  cautiously  advancing  over  the  plain, 
their  heads  just  peering  above  the  tall  maize  with 
which  the  land  was  partially  covered.  Cortes  de- 
termined not  to  abide  the  assault  in  his  intrench- 
ments,  but  to  sally  out  and  pounce  on  the  enemy 
when  he  had  reached  the  bottom  of  the  hill. 

Slowly  and  stealthily  the  Indians  advanced, 
while  the  Christian  camp,  hushed  in  profound  si- 
lence, seemed  to  them  buried  in  slumber.  But  no 
sooner  had  they  reached  the  slope  of  the  rising 
ground  than  they  were  astounded  by  the  deep 
battle-cry  of  the  Spaniards,  followed  by  the  in- 
stantaneous apparition  of  the  whole  army,  as  they 
sallied  forth  from  the  works  and  poured  down  the 
sides  of  the  hill.  Brandishing  aloft  their  weapons, 
they  seemed  to  the  troubled  fancies  of  the  Tlasca- 
lans  like  so  many  spectres  or  demons  hurrying 
to  and  fro  in  mid  air,  while  the  uncertain  light 
magnified  their  numbers  and  expanded  the 
horse  and  his  rider  into  gigantic  and  unearthly 
dimensions. 

Scarcely  awaiting  the  shock  of  their  enemy,  the 
panic-struck  barbarians  let  off  a  feeble  volley  of 
arrows,  and,  offering  no  other  resistance,  fled  rap- 
idly and  tumultuously  across  the  plain.  The  horse 
easity  overtook  the  fugitives,  riding  them  down 
and  cutting  them  to  pieces  without  mercy,  until 
Cortes,  weary  with  slaughter,  called  off  his  men. 


144.  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

leaving  the  field  loaded  with  the  bloody  trophies 
of  victory.^  ^ 

The  next  day,  the  Spanish  commander,  with  his 
usual  policy  after  a  decisive  blow  had  been  struck, 
sent  a  new  embassy  to  the  Tlascalan  capital.  The 
envoys  received  their  instructions  through  the  in- 
terpreter, Marina.  That  remarkable  woman  had 
attracted  general  admiration  by  the  constancy  and 
cheerfulness  with  which  she  endured  all  the 
privations  of  the  camp.  Far  from  betraying 
the  natural  weakness  and  timidity  of  her 
sex,  she  had  shrunk  from  no  hardship  herself, 
and  had  done  much  to  fortify  the  drooping  spirits 
of  the  soldiers;  while  her  sympathies,  whenever 
occasion  oiFered,  had  been  actively  exerted  in 
mitigating  the  calamities  of  her  Indian  coun- 
trymen.^^ 

Through  his  faithful  interpreter,  Cortes  com- 
municated the  terms  of  his  message  to  the  Tlas- 
calan envoys.  He  made  the  same  professions  of 
amity  as  before,  promising  oblivion  of  all  past  in- 
juries; but,  if  this  proffer  were  rejected,  he  would 
visit  their  capital  as  a  conqueror,  raze  every  house 
in  it  to  the  ground,  and  put  every  inliabitant  to 
the  sword!     He  then  dismissed  the  ambassadors 


''Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  53,  54. — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib,  33,  cap.  3.— P.  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  2, 
cap.  2.— Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  32, — Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  8.— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  66. 

"  "  Though  she  heard  them  every  day  talk  of  killing  us  and  eating 
our  flesh,  though  she  had  seen  us  surrounded  in  past  battles,  and 
knew  that  we  were  now  all  of  us  wounded  and  suffering,  yet  we 
never  saw  any  weakness  in  her,  but  a  courage  far  beyond  that  of 
woman."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  66. 


1519]  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   THE   ENEMY    145 

with  the  symboHcal  presents  of  a  letter  in  one  hand 
and  an  arrow  in  the  other. 

The  envoys  obtained  respectful  audience  from 
the  council  of  Tlascala,  whom  they  found  plunged 
in  deep  dejection  by  their  recent  reverses.  The 
failure  of  the  night-attack  had  extinguished  every 
spark  of  hope  in  their  bosoms.  Their  armies  had 
been  beaten  again  and  again,  in  the  open  field 
and  in  secret  ambush.  Stratagem  and  courage, 
all  their  resources,  had  alike  proved  ineffectual 
against  a  foe  whose  hand  was  never  weary  and 
whose  eye  was  never  closed.  Nothing  remained 
but  to  submit.  They  selected  four  principal  ca- 
ciques, whom  they  intrusted  with  a  mission  to  the 
Christian  camp.  They  were  to  assure  the  stran- 
gers of  a  free  passage  through  the  country,  and  a 
friendly  reception  in  the  capital.  The  proffered 
friendship  of  the  Spaniards  was  cordially  em- 
braced, with  many  awkward  excuses  for  the  past. 
The  envoys  were  to  touch  at  the  Tlascalan  camp  on 
their  way,  and  inform  Xicotencatl  of  their  pro- 
ceedings. They  were  to  require  him,  at  the  same 
time,  to  abstain  from  all  further  hostilities  and  to 
furnish  the  white  men  with  an  ample  supply  of 
provisions. 

But  the  Tlascalan  deputies,  on  arriving  at  the 
quarters  of  that  chief,  did  not  find  him  in  the  humor 
to  comply  with  these  instructions.  His  repeated 
collisions  with  the  Spaniards,  or,  it  may  be,  his 
constitutional  courage,  left  him  inaccessible  to  the 
vulgar  terrors  of  his  countrymen.  He  regarded 
the  strangers  not  as  supernatural  beings,  but  as 
men  like  himself.    The  animosity  of  a  warrior  had 


146  CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO 

rankled  into  a  deadly  hatred  from  the  mortifica- 
tions he  had  endured  at  their  hands,  and  his  head 
teemed  with  plans  for  recovering  his  fallen  honors 
and  for  taking  vengeance  on  the  invaders  of  his 
country.  He  refused  to  disband  any  of  the  force, 
still  formidable,  under  his  command,  or  to  send 
supplies  to  the  enemy's  camp.  He  further  induced 
the  ambassadors  to  remain  in  his  quarters  and  re- 
linquish their  visit  to  the  Spaniards.  The  latter, 
in  consequence,  were  kept  in  ignorance  of  the 
movements  in  their  favor  which  had  taken  place  in 
the  Tlascalan  capital.  ^*^ 

The  conduct  of  Xicotencatl  is  condemned  by 
Castilian  writers  as  that  of  a  ferocious  and  san- 
guinary barbarian.  It  is  natural  they  should  so 
regard  it.  But  those  who  have  no  national  preju- 
dice to  warp  their  judgments  may  come  to  a  dif- 
ferent conclusion.  They  may  find  much  to  ad- 
mire in  that  high,  unconquerable  spirit,  like  some 
proud  column  standing  alone  in  its  majesty  amidst 
the  fragments  and  ruins  around  it.  They  may  see 
evidences  of  a  clear-sighted  sagacity,  w^hich,  pier- 
cing the  thin  veil  of  insidious  friendship  proffered 
by  the  Spaniards,  and  penetrating  the  future,  dis- 
cerned the  coming  miseries  of  his  country;  the 
noble  patriotism  of  one  who  w^ould  rescue  that 
country  at  any  cost,  and,  amidst  the  gathering 
darkness,  would  infuse  his  own  intrepid  spirit  into 
the  hearts  of  his  nation,  to  animate  them  to  a  last 
struggle  for  independence. 

^  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conqiiista,  cap.  67. — Camargo,  Hist,  de 
Tlascala,  MS.  — Ixtlilxochitl.  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83. 


CHAPTER  IV 

DISCONTENTS  IN  THE  ARMY  — TLASC ALAN  SPIES— 
PEACE  WITH  THE  REPUBLIC  — EMBASSY  FROM 
MONTEZUMA 

1519 

DESIROUS  to  keep  up  the  terror  of  the  Cas- 
tilian  name  by  leaving  the  enemy  no  respite, 
Cortes,  on  the  same  day  that  he  despatched  the 
embassy  to  Tlascala,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
small  corps  of  cavalry  and  light  troops  to  scour 
the  neighboring  country.  He  was  at  that  time  so 
ill  from  fever,  aided  by  medical  treatment,^  that  he 
could  hardly  keep  his  seat  in  the  saddle.  It  was  a 
rough  country,  and  the  sharp  winds  from  the 
frosty  summits  of  the  mountains  pierced  the  scanty 
covering  of  the  troops  and  chilled  both  men  and 
horses.  Four  or  five  of  the  animals  gave  out,  and 
the  general,  alarmed  for  their  safety,  sent  them 
back  to  the  camp.  The  soldiers,  discouraged  by 
this  ill  omen,  would  have  persuaded  him  to  return. 
But  he  made  answer,  "  We  fight  under  the  banner 

*  The  effect  of  the  medicine — though  rather  a  severe  dose,  accord- 
ing to  the  precise  Diaz — was  suspended  during  the  general's  active 
exertions.  Gomara,  however,  does  not  consider  this  a  miracle.  (Cro- 
nica,  cap.  49.)  Father  Sandoval  does.  (Hist,  de  Carlos  Quinto,  torn, 
i.  p.  127.)  Soil's,  after  a  conscientious  inquiry  into  this  perplexing 
matter,  decides — strange  as  it  may  seem — against  the  father!  Con- 
quista,  lib.  2,  cap.  20. 

147 


148  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

of  the  Cross;  God  is  stronger  than  nature,"  ^  and 
continued  his  march. 

It  led  through  the  same  kind  of  checkered 
scenery  of  rugged  hill  and  cultivated  plain  as  that 
already  described,  well  covered  with  towns  and  vil- 
lages, some  of  them  the  frontier  posts  occupied  by 
the  Otomies.  Practising  the  Roman  maxim  of 
lenity  to  the  submissive  foe,  he  took  full  vengeance 
on  those  who  resisted,  and,  as  resistance  too  often 
occurred,  marked  his  path  with  fire  and  desolation. 
After  a  short  absence,  he  returned  in  safety,  laden 
with  the  plunder  of  a  successful  foray.  It  would 
have  been  more  honorable  to  him  had  it  been  con- 
ducted with  less  rigor.  The  excesses  are  imputed 
by  Bernal  Diaz  to  the  Indian  allies,  whom  in  the 
heat  of  victory  it  was  found  impossible  to  restrain."^ 
On  whose  head  soever  they  fall,  they  seem  to  have 
given  little  uneasiness  to  the  general,  who  declares 
in  his  letter  to  the  emperor  Charles  the  Fifth,  "  As 
we  fought  under  the  standard  of  the  Cross,^  for 


* "  Dios  es  sobre  natura."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  54. 

*  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  64. — Not  so  Cortes,  who  says,  boldly, 
"  I  burned  more  than  ten  towns."  (Ibid.,  p.  52.)  His  reverend  com- 
mentator specifies  the  localities  of  the  Indian  towns  destroyed  by  him 
in  his  forays.    Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  ix-xi. 

*  [Lorenzana  speaks  of  two  standards  as  borne  by  Cortes  in  the 
Conquest,  one  having  the  image  of  the  Virgin  emblazoned  on  it,  the 
other  that  of  the  Cross.  It  may  be  the  latter  which  is  still  preserved 
in  the  Museum  of  Artillery  at  Madrid.  (Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  p.  52,  nota.)  In  a  letter  written  to  me  from  that  capital, 
a  few  years  since,  by  my  friend  Mr.  George  Summer,  he  remarks, 
"  In  Madrid,  in  the  Museum  of  Artillery,  is  a  small  mahogany  box, 
about  a  foot  square,  locked  and  sealed,  which  contains,  as  the  inscrip- 
tion above  it  states,  the  pendon  which  Hernan  Cortes  carried  to  the 
conquest  of  Mexico.  On  applying  to  the  Brigadier  Leon  de  Palacio, 
the  director  of  the  museum,  he  was  so  kind  as  not  only  to  order  this 
to  be  opened,  but  to  come  himself  with  me  to  examine   it.     The 


1519]         DISCONTENTS  IN   THE  ARMY  149 

the  true  Faith,  and  the  service  of  your  Highness, 
Heaven  crowned  our  arms  with  such  success 
that,  while  multitudes  of  the  infidel  were  slain, 
little  loss  was  suffered  by  the  Castilians."  ^  The 
Spanish  Conquerors,  to  judge  from  their  writ- 
ings, unconscious  of  any  worldly  motive  lurk- 
ing in  the  bottom  of  their  hearts,  regarded 
themselves  as  soldiers  of  the  Church,  fighting 
the  great  battle  of  Christianity,  and  in  the  same 
edifying  and  comfortable  light  are  regarded 
by  most  of  the  national  historians  of  a  later 
day.^ 

On  his  return  to  the  camp,  Cortes  found  a  new 
cause  of  disquietude,  in  discontents  which  had 
broken  out  among  the  soldiery.  Their  patience 
was  exhausted  by  a  life  of  fatigue  and  peril  to 
which  there  seemed  to  be  no  end.  The  battles  they 
had  won  against  such  tremendous  odds  had  not  ad- 
vanced them  a  jot.  The  idea  of  their  reaching 
Mexico,  says  the  old  soldier  so  often  quoted,  "  was 
treated  as  a  jest  by  the  whole  army;  "  ^  and  the 
indefinite  prospect  of  hostilities  with  the  ferocious 

standard  is  probably  the  same  which  Lorenzana,  in  1770,  speaks  of 
as  being  then  in  the  Secretario  de  Gobierno.  It  is  of  red  Damascus 
silk,  and  has  marks  of  the  painting  once  upon  it,  but  is  now  com- 
pletely in  rags."] 

■* "  E  como  trayamos  la  Bandera  de  la  Cruz,  y  pufiabamos  por 
nuestra  Fe,  y  por  servicio  de  Vuestra  Sacra  Magestad,  en  su  muy 
Real  Ventura  nos  dio  Dios  tanta  victoria,  que  les  matdmos  mucha 
gente,  sin  que  los  nuestros  recibiessen  daiio."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  52. 

"  "  It  was  a  notable  thing,"  exclaims  Herrera,  "  to  see  with  what 
humility  and  devotion  all  returned  praising  God,  who  gave  them  vic- 
tories so  miraculous,  by  which  it  was  clearly  apparent  that  they  were 
favored  with  the  divine  assistance." 

^ "  Porque  entrar  en  Mexico,  teniamoslo  por  cosa  de  risa,  d  causa 
de  sus  grandes  fuer^as."    Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  66. 


150  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

people  among  whom  they  were  now  cast  threw  a 
deep  gloom  over  their  spirits. 

Among  the  malecontents  were  a  number  of 
noisy,  vaporing  persons,  such  as  are  found  in  every 
camp,  who,  like  empty  bubbles,  are  sure  to  rise  to 
the  surface  and  make  themselves  seen  in  seasons  of 
agitation.  They  were,  for  the  most  part,  of  the 
old  faction  of  Velasquez,  and  had  estates  in  Cuba, 
to  which  they  turned  many  a  wistful  glance  as  they 
receded  more  and  more  from  the  coast.  They  now 
waited  on  the  general,  not  in  a  mutinous  spirit  of 
resistance  ( for  they  remembered  the  lesson  in  Villa 
Rica) ,  but  with  the  design  of  frank  expostulation, 
as  with  a  brother  adventurer  in  a  common  cause.^ 
The  tone  of  familiarity  thus  assumed  was  emi- 
nently characteristic  of  the  footing  of  equality  on 
which  the  parties  in  the  expedition  stood  with  one 
another. 

Their  suiFerings,  they  told  him,  were  too  great 
to  be  endured.  All  the  men  had  received  one,  most 
of  them  two  or  three  wounds.  More  than  fifty  had 
perished,  in  one  way  or  another,  since  leaving  Vera 
Cruz.  There  was  no  beast  of  burden  but  led  a  life 
preferable  to  theirs.  For,  when  the  night  came, 
the  former  could  rest  from  his  labors;  but  they, 
fighting  or  watching,  had  no  rest,  day  nor  night. 
As  to  conquering  Mexico,  the  very  thought  of  it 

*  Diaz  indignantly  disclaims  the  idea  of  mutiny,  which  Gomara 
attached  to  this  proceeding.  "  What  they  said  to  him  was  by  way  of 
counsel,  and  because  they  believed  it  were  well  said,  and  not  with  any 
other  intent,  since  they  followed  him  ever,  bravely  and  loyally;  nor 
is  it  strange  that  in  an  army  some  good  soldiers  should  offer  counsel 
to  their  captain,  especially  when  such  hardships  have  been  endured 
as  were  by  us."    Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  71. 


1519]         DISCONTENTS   IN   THE  ARMY  151 

was  madness.  If  they  had  encountered  such  op- 
position from  the  petty  repubhc  of  Tlascala,  what 
might  they  not  expect  from  the  great  Mexican 
empire?  There  was  now  a  temporary  suspension 
of  hostihties.  They  should  avail  themselves  of  it 
to  retrace  their  steps  to  Vera  Cruz.  It  is  true,  the 
fleet  there  was  destroyed;  and  by  this  act,  un- 
paralleled for  rashness  even  in  Roman  annals,  the 
general  had  become  responsible  for  the  fate  of  the 
whole  army.  Still  there  was  one  vessel  left.  That 
might  be  despatched  to  Cuba  for  reinforcements 
and  supplies;  and,  when  these  arrived,  they  would 
be  enabled  to  resume  operations  with  some  pros- 
pect of  success. 

Cortes  listened  to  this  singular  expostulation 
with  perfect  composure.  He  knew  his  men,  and, 
instead  of  rebuke  or  harsher  measures,  replied  in 
the  same  frank  and  soldier-like  vein  which  they 
had  affected. 

There  was  much  truth,  he  allowed,  in  what  they 
said.  The  sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  had  been 
great;  greater  than  those  recorded  of  any  heroes 
in  Greek  or  Roman  story.  So  much  the  greater 
would  be  their  glory.  He  had  often  been  filled 
with  admiration  as  he  had  seen  his  little  host  en- 
circled by  myriads  of  barbarians,  and  felt  that  no 
people  but  Spaniards  could  have  triumphed  over 
such  formidable  odds.  Nor  could  they,  unless  the 
arm  of  the  Almighty  had  been  over  them.  And 
they  might  reasonably  look  for  his  protection  here- 
after; for  was  it  not  in  his  cause  they  were  fight- 
ing? They  had  encountered  dangers  and  difficul- 
ties, it  was  true.     But  they  had  not  come  here 


152  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

expecting  a  life  of  idle  dalliance  and  pleasure. 
Glory,  as  he  had  told  them  at  the  outset,  was  to  be 
won  only  by  toil  and  danger.  They  would  do  him 
the  justice  to  acknowledge  that  he  had  never 
shrunk  from  his  share  of  both.  This  was  a  truth, 
adds  the  honest  chronicler  who  heard  and  reports 
the  dialogue,  which  no  one  could  deny.  But,  if 
they  had  met  with  hardships,  he  continued,  they 
had  been  everywhere  victorious.  Even  now  they 
were  enjoying  the  fruits  of  this,  in  the  plenty  which 
reigned  in  the  camp.  And  they  would  soon  see 
the  Tlascalans,  humbled  by  their  late  reverses, 
suing  for  peace  on  any  terms.  To  go  back  now 
was  impossible.  The  very  stones  would  rise  up 
against  them.  The  Tlascalans  would  hunt  them 
in  triumph  down  to  the  water's  edge.  And  how 
would  the  Mexicans  exult  at  this  miserable  issue 
of  their  vain-glorious  vaunts!  Their  former 
friends  would  become  their  enemies;  and  the  To- 
tonacs,  to  avert  the  vengeance  of  the  Aztecs,  from 
which  the  Spaniards  could  no  longer  shield  them, 
would  join  in  the  general  cry.  There  was  no  alter- 
native, then,  but  to  go  forward  in  their  career. 
And  he  besought  them  to  silence  their  pusillani- 
mous scruples,  and,  instead  of  turning  their  eyes 
towards  Cuba,  to  fix  them  on  Mexico,  the  great 
object  of  their  enterprise. 

While  this  singular  conference  was  going  on, 
many  other  soldiers  had  gathered  round  the  spot; 
and  the  discontented  party,  emboldened  bj^  the 
presence  of  their  comrades,  as  well  as  by  the  gen- 
eral's forbearance,  replied  that  they  were  far  from 
being  convinced.    Another  such  victory  as  the  last 


1519]        DISCONTENTS   IN   THE   ARMY  153 

would  be  their  ruin.  They  were  going  to  Mexico 
only  to  be  slaughtered.  Until,  at  length,  the  gen- 
eral's patience  being  exhausted,  he  cut  the  argu- 
ment short,  by  quoting  a  verse  from  an  old  song, 
implying  that  it  was  better  to  die  with  honor  than 
to  live  disgraced, — a  sentiment  which  was  loudly 
echoed  by  the  greater  part  of  his  audience,  who, 
notwithstanding  their  occasional  murmurs,  had  no 
design  to  abandon  the  expedition,  still  less  the  com- 
mander to  whom  they  were  passionately  devoted. 
The  malecontents,  disconcerted  by  this  rebuke, 
slunk  back  to  their  own  quarters,  muttering  half- 
smothered  execrations  on  the  leader  who  had 
projected  the  enterprise,  the  Indians  who  had 
guided  him,  and  their  own  countrymen  who  sup- 
ported him  in  it.^ 

Such  were  the  difficulties  that  lay  in  the  path  of 
Cortes :  a  wily  and  ferocious  enemy ;  a  climate  un- 
certain, often  unhealthy ;  illness  in  his  own  person, 
much  aggravated  by  anxiety  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  his  conduct  would  be  received  by  his  sover- 
eign; last,  not  least,  disaffection  among  his  sol- 
diers, on  whose  constancy  and  union  he  rested  for 
the  success  of  his  operations, — the  great  lever  by 
which  he  was  to  overturn  the  empire  of  Monte- 
zuma. 

On  the  morning  following  this  event,  the  camp 

*  This  conference  is  reported,  with  some  variety,  indeed,  by  nearly 
every  historian,  (Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  55.— Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  3.— Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  51,  52, 
— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  80.— Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  9.— P.  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  2.)  I 
have  abridged  the  account  given  by  Bernal  Diaz,  one  of  the  audience, 
though  not  one  of  the  parties  to  the  dialogue,— for  that  reason  the 
better  authority. 


154  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

was  surprised  by  the  appearance  of  a  small  body 
of  Tlascalans,  decorated  with  badges,  the  white 
color  of  which  intimated  peace.  They  brought  a 
quantity  of  provisions,  and  some  trifling  orna- 
ments, which,  they  said,  were  sent  by  the  Tlascalan 
general,  who  was  weary  of  the  war  and  desired  an 
accommodation  with  the  Spaniards.  He  would 
soon  present  himself  to  arrange  this  in  person. 
The  intelligence  diffused  general  joy,  and  the  em- 
issaries received  a  friendly  welcome. 

A  day  or  two  elapsed,  and,  while  a  few  of  the 
part}^  left  the  Spanish  quarters,  the  others,  about 
fifty  in  number,  who  remained,  excited  some  dis- 
trust in  the  bosom  of  JMarina.  She  communicated 
her  suspicions  to  Cortes  that  they  were  spies.  He 
caused  several  of  them,  in  consequence,  to  be  ar- 
rested, examined  them  separately,  and  ascertained 
that  they  were  employed  by  Xicotencatl  to  inform 
him  of  the  state  of  the  Christian  camp,  preparatory 
to  a  meditated  assault,  for  which  he  was  mustering 
his  forces.  Cortes,  satisfied  of  the  truth  of  this, 
determined  to  make  such  an  example  of  the  delin- 
quents as  should  intimidate  his  enemy  from  repeat- 
ing the  attempt.  He  ordered  their  hands  to  be  cut 
oiF,  and  in  that  condition  sent  them  back  to  their 
countrymen,  with  the  message  "that  the  Tlascalans 
might  come  by  day  or  night;  they  would  find  the 
Spaniards  ready  for  them."  ^*^ 

"Diaz  says  only  seventeen  lost  their  hands,  the  rest  their  thumbs. 
(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  70.)  Cortes  does  not  flinch  from  confess- 
ing, the  hands  of  the  whole  fifty:  "  I  ordered  that  all  the  fifty  should 
have  their  hands  cut  oflF;  and  I  sent  them  to  tell  their  lord  that  let 
him  come  when  he  would,  by  night  or  day,  they  should  see  who  we 
were."    Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  53. 


1519]  TLASCALAN    SPIES  155 

The  doleful  spectacle  of  their  comrades  return- 
ing in  this  mutilated  state  filled  the  Indian  camp 
with  horror  and  consternation.  The  haughty  crest 
of  their  chief  was  humbled.  From  that  moment 
he  lost  his  wonted  buoyancy  and  confidence.  His 
soldiers,  filled  with  superstitious  fear,  refused  to 
serve  longer  against  a  foe  who  could  read  their  very 
thoughts  and  divine  their  plans  before  they  were 
ripe  for  execution.^  ^ 

The  punishment  inflicted  by  Cortes  may  well 
shock  the  reader  by  its  brutality.  But  it  should  be 
considered,  in  mitigation,  that  the  victims  of  it 
were  spies,  and,  as  such,  by  the  laws  of  war,  whe- 
ther among  civilized  or  savage  nations,  had  in- 
curred the  penalty  of  death.  The  amputation  of 
the  limbs  was  a  milder  punishment,  and  reserved 
for  inferior  offences.  If  we  revolt  at  the  bar- 
barous nature  of  the  sentence,  we  should  reflect 
that  it  was  no  uncommon  one  at  that  day ;  not  more 
uncommon,  indeed,  than  whipping  and  branding 
with  a  hot  iron  were  in  our  own  country  at  the 
beginning  of  the  present  century,  or  than  cropping 
the  ears  was  in  the  preceding  one.  A  higher 
civilization,  indeed,  rejects  such  punishments,  as 
pernicious  in  themselves,  and  degrading  to  hu- 
manity. But  in  the  sixteenth  century  they  were 
openly  recognized  by  the  laws  of  the  most  polished 
nations  in  Europe.  And  it  is  too  much  to  ask  of 
any  man,  still  less  one  bred  to  the  iron  trade  of  war, 
to  be  in  advance  of  the  refinement  of  his  age.    We 

"  "  De  que  los  Tlascaltecas  se  admiraron,  entendiendo  que  Cortes 
las  entendia  sus  pensamientos."  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS., 
cap.  83. 


156  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

may  be  content  if,  in  circumstances  so  unfavorable 
to  humanity  he  does  not  fall  below  it. 

All  thoughts  of  further  resistance  being  aban- 
doned, the  four  delegates  of  the  Tlascalan  republic 
were  now  allowed  to  proceed  on  their  mission. 
They  were  speedily  followed  by  Xicotencatl  him- 
self, attended  by  a  numerous  train  of  military 
retainers.  As  they  drew  near  the  Spanish  lines, 
they  were  easily  recognized  by  the  white  and  yel- 
low colors  of  their  uniforms,  the  livery  of  the  house 
of  Titcala.  The  joy  of  the  army  was  great  at  this 
sure  intimation  of  the  close  of  hostilities;  and  it 
was  with  difficulty  that  Cortes  was  enabled  to  re- 
store the  men  to  tranquillity  and  the  assumed 
indifference  which  it  was  proper  to  maintain  in 
presence  of  an  enemy. 

The  Spaniards  gazed  with  curious  eye  on  the 
valiant  chief  who  had  so  long  kept  his  enemies  at 
bay,  and  who  now  advanced  with  the  firm  and 
fearless  step  of  one  who  was  coming  rather  to  bid 
defiance  than  to  sue  for  peace.  He  was  rather 
above  the  middle  size,  with  broad  shoulders,  and  a 
muscular  frame  intimating  great  activity  and 
strength.  His  head  was  large,  and  his  counte- 
nance marked  with  the  lines  of  hard  service  rather 
than  of  age,  for  he  was  but  thirty-five.  When  he 
entered  the  presence  of  Cortes,  he  made  the  usual 
salutation  by  touching  the  ground  with  his  hand 
and  carrying  it  to  his  head ;  while  the  sweet  incense 
of  aromatic  gums  rolled  up  in  clouds  from  the  cen- 
sers carried  by  his  slaves. 

Far  from  a  pusillanimous  attempt  to  throw  the 
blame  on  the  senate,  he  assumed  the  whole  respon- 


1519]         PEACE   WITH   THE   REPUBLIC  157 

sibility  of  the  war.  He  had  considered  the  white 
men,  he  said,  as  enemies,  for  they  came  with  the 
alhes  and  vassals  of  Montezuma.  He  loved  his 
country,  and  wished  to  preserve  the  independence 
which  she  had  maintained  through  her  long  wars 
with  the  Aztecs.  He  had  been  beaten.  They 
might  be  the  strangers  who,  it  had  been  so  long 
predicted,  would  come  from  the  east,  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  country.  He  hoped  they  would  use 
their  victory  with  moderation,  and  not  trample  on 
the  liberties  of  the  republic.  He  came  now  in  the 
name  of  his  nation,  to  tender  their  obedience  to  the 
Spaniards,  assuring  them  they  would  find  his 
countrymen  as  faithful  in  peace  as  they  had  been 
firm  in  war. 

Cortes,  far  from  taking  umbrage,  was  filled 
with  admiration  at  the  lofty  spirit  which  thus  dis- 
dained to  stoop  beneath  misfortunes.  The  brave 
man  knows  how  to  respect  bravery  in  another.  He 
assumed,  however,  a  severe  aspect,  as  he  rebuked 
the  chief  for  having  so  long  persisted  in  hostilities. 
Had  Xicotencatl  believed  the  word  of  the  Span- 
iards, and  accepted  their  proffered  friendship 
sooner,  he  would  have  spared  his  people  much  suf- 
fering, which  they  well  merited  by  their  obstinacy. 
But  it  was  impossible,  continued  the  general,  to 
retrieve  the  past.  He  was  willing  to  bury  it  in 
oblivion,  and  to  receive  the  Tlascalans  as  vassals 
to  the  emperor,  his  master.  If  they  proved  true, 
they  should  find  him  a  sure  column  of  support;  if 
false,  he  would  take  such  vengeance  on  them  as  he 
had  intended  to  take  on  their  capital  had  they  not 
speedily  given  in  their  submission.     It  proved  an 


158  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

ominous  menace  for  the  chief  to  whom  it  was  ad- 
dressed. 

The  cacique  then  ordered  his  slaves  to  bring 
forward  some  trifling  ornaments  of  gold  and 
feather-embroidery,  designed  as  presents.  They 
were  of  little  value,  he  said,  with  a  smile,  for  the 
Tlascalans  were  poor.  They  had  little  gold,  not 
even  cotton,  nor  salt.  The  Aztec  emperor  had  left 
them  nothing  but  their  freedom  and  their  arms. 
He  offered  this  gift  only  as  a  token  of  his  good 
will.  "  As  such  I  receive  it,"  answered  Cortes, 
"  and,  coming  from  the  Tlascalans,  set  more  value 
on  it  than  I  should  from  any  otlier  source,  though 
it  were  a  house  full  of  gold;  " — a  politic  as  well  as 
magnanimous  reply,  for  it  was  by  the  aid  of  this 
good  will  that  he  was  to  win  the  gold  of  Mexico.^  ^ 

Thus  ended  the  bloody  war  with  the  fierce  re- 
public of  Tlascala,  during  the  course  of  which  the 
fortunes  of  the  Spaniards  more  than  once  had 
trembled  in  the  balance.  Had  it  been  persevered 
in  but  a  little  longer,  it  must  have  ended  in  their 
confusion  and  ruin,  exhausted  as  they  were  by 
wounds,  watching,  and  fatigues,  with  the  seeds  of 
disaffection  rankling  among  themselves.  As  it 
was,  they  came  out  of  the  fearful  contest  with  un- 
tarnished glory.  To  the  enemy  they  seemed  invul- 
nerable, bearing  charmed  lives,  proof  alike  against 
the  accidents  of  fortune  and  the  assaults  of  man. 
No  wonder  that  they  indulged  a  similar  conceit  in 
their  own  bosoms,  and  that  the  humblest  Spaniard 

^-  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  56,  57.— Oviedo,  Hist. 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  3.— Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  53.— Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  71,  et  seq. — Saiiagun,  Hist,  de 
Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  11. 


1519]         EMBASSY   FROM   MONTEZUMA  159 

should  have  fancied  himself  the  subject  of  a  special 
interposition  of  Providence,  which  shielded  him 
in  the  hour  of  battle  and  reserved  him  for  a  higher 
destiny. 

While  the  Tlascalans  were  still  in  the  camp,  an 
embassy  was  announced  from  JNIontezuma.  Tid- 
ings of  the  exploits  of  the  Spaniards  had  spread 
far  and  wide  over  the  plateau.  The  emperor,  in 
particular,  had  watched  every  step  of  their  prog- 
ress, as  they  climbed  the  steeps  of  the  Cordilleras 
and  advanced  over  the  broad  table-land  on  their 
summit.  He  had  seen  them,  with  great  satisfac- 
tion, take  the  road  to  Tlascala,  trusting  that,  if 
they  were  mortal  men,  they  would  find  their 
graves  there.  Great  was  his  dismay  when  courier 
after  courier  brought  him  intelligence  of  their  suc- 
cesses, and  that  the  most  redoubtable  warriors  on 
the  plateau  had  been  scattered  like  chaff  by  the 
swords  of  this  handful  of  strangers. 

His  superstitious  fears  returned  in  full  force. 
He  saw  in  the  Spaniards  "  the  men  of  destiny," 
who  were  to  take  possession  of  his  sceptre.  In  his 
alarm  and  uncertainty,  he  sent  a  new  embassy  to 
the  Christian  camp.  It  consisted  of  five  great  no- 
bles of  his  court,  attended  by  a  train  of  two  hun- 
dred slaves.  They  brought  with  them  a  present,  as 
usual,  dictated  partly  by  fear  and  in  part  by  the 
natural  munificence  of  his  disposition.  It  con- 
sisted of  three  thousand  ounces  of  gold,  in  grains, 
or  in  various  manufactured  articles,  with  several 
hundred  mantles  and  dresses  of  embroidered  cotton 
and  the  picturesque  feather-work.  As  they  laid 
these  at  the  feet  of  Cortes,  they  told  him  they  had 


160  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

come  to  offer  the  congratulations  of  their  master 
on  the  late  victories  of  the  white  men.  The  emperor 
only  regretted  that  it  would  not  be  in  his  power 
to  receive  them  in  his  capital,  where  the  numerous 
population  was  so  unruly  that  their  safety  would 
be  placed  in  jeopardy.  The  mere  intimation  of  the 
Aztec  emperor's  wishes,  in  the  most  distant  way, 
w^ould  have  sufficed  with  the  Indian  nations.  It 
had  very  little  weight  with  the  Spaniards;  and 
the  envoys,  finding  this  puerile  expression  of  them 
ineffectual,  resorted  to  another  argument,  offer- 
ing a  tribute  in  their  master's  name  to  the  Castilian 
sovereign,  provided  the  Spaniards  would  relin- 
quish their  visit  to  his  capital.  This  was  a  greater 
error:  it  was  displaying  the  rich  casket  with  one 
hand  which  he  was  unable  to  defend  with  the  other. 
Yet  the  author  of  this  pusillanimous  policy,  the 
unhappy  victim  of  superstition,  was  a  monarch 
renowned  among  the  Indian  nations  for  his  intre- 
pidity and  enterprise, — the  terror  of  Anahuac! 

Cortes,  while  he  urged  his  own  sovereign's  com- 
mands as  a  reason  for  disregarding  the  wishes  of 
Montezuma,  uttered  expressions  of  the  most  pro- 
found respect  for  the  Aztec  prince,  and  declared 
that  if  he  had  not  the  means  of  requiting  his  mu- 
nificence, as  he  could  wish,  at  present,  he  trusted 
to  repay  hirrij  at  some  future  day,  with  good 
works!  ^^ 

The  Mexican  ambassadors  were  not  much  grati- 
fied with  finding  the  war  at  an  end,  and  a  recon- 

"  "  Cortes  recibio  con  alegrfa  aquel  presente,  y  dixo  que  se  lo  tenia 
en  merced,  y  que  el  lo  pagaria  al  senor  Monte9uma  en  buenas  obras." 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  73. 


1519]         EMBASSY   FROM   MONTEZUMA  161 

ciliation  established  between  their  mortal  enemies 
and  the  Spaniards.  The  mutual  disgust  of  the  two 
parties  with  each  other  was  too  strong  to  be  re- 
pressed even  in  the  presence  of  the  general,  who 
saw  with  satisfaction  the  evidences  of  a  jealousy 
which,  undermining  the  strength  of  the  Indian  em- 
peror, was  to  prove  the  surest  source  of  his  own 
success.^  ^ 

Two  of  the  Aztec  envoys  returned  to  Mexico,  to 
acquaint  their  sovereign  with  the  state  of  aiFairs  in 
the  Spanish  camp.  The  others  remained  with  the 
army,  Cortes  being  willing  that  they  should  be 
personal  spectators  of  the  deference  shown  him  by 
the  Tlascalans.  Still  he  did  not  hasten  his  depar- 
ture for  their  capital.  Not  that  he  placed  reliance 
on  the  injurious  intimations  of  the  Mexicans  re- 
specting their  good  faith.  Yet  he  was  willing  to 
put  this  to  some  longer  trial,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  re-establish  his  own  health  more  thoroughly  be- 
fore his  visit.  Meanwhile,  messengers  daily  ar- 
rived from  the  city,  pressing  his  journey,  and  were 
finally  followed  by  some  of  the  aged  rulers  of  the 
republic,  attended  by  a  numerous  retinue,  impa- 
tient of  his  long  delay.  They  brought  with  them  a 
body  of  five  hundred  tamanes,  or  men  of  burden,  to 
drag  his  cannon  and  reheve  his  own  forces  from 

"  He  dwells  on  it  in  his  letter  to  the  emperor.  "  Seeing  the  dis- 
cord and  division  between  them,  I  felt  not  a  little  pleasure,  for  it 
appeared  to  me  to  suit  well  with  my  design,  and  that  through  this 
means  I  might  the  more  easily  subjugate  them.  Moreover  I  remem- 
bered a  text  of  the  Evangelist,  which  says,  '  Every  kingdom  divided 
against  itself  is  brought  to  desolation.'  I  treated  therefore  with  both 
parties,  and  thanked  each  in  secret  for  the  intelligence  it  had  given 
me,  professing  to  regard  it  with  greater  friendship  than  the  other." 
Il«l.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  61. 


162  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

this  fatiguing  part  of  their  duty.  It  was  impossi- 
ble to  defer  his  departure  longer;  and  after  mass, 
and  a  solemn  thanksgiving  to  the  great  Being  who 
had  crowned  their  arms  with  triumph,  the  Span- 
iards bade  adieu  to  the  quarters  which  they  had 
occupied  for  nearly  three  weeks  on  the  hill  of 
Tzompach.  The  strong  tower,  or  teocalli,  which 
commanded  it,  was  called,  in  commemoration  of 
their  residence,  "the  tower  of  victory;"  and  the 
few  stones  which  still  survive  of  its  ruins  point  out 
to  the  eye  of  the  traveller  a  spot  ever  memorable 
in  history  for  the  courage  and  constancy  of  the 
early  Conquerors.^  ^ 

"Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  10.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  4.— Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  54.— Martyr, 
De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  2.  — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  72-74.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83. 


CHAPTER  V 

SPANIARDS  ENTER  TLASC ALA— DESCRIPTION  OF  THE 
CAPITAL— ATTEMPTED  CONVERSION— AZTEC  EM- 
BASSY—INVITED  TO   CHOLULA 

1519 

THE  city  of  Tlascala,  the  capital  of  the  repub- 
lic of  the  same  name,  lay  at  the  distance  of 
about  six  leagues  from  the  Spanish  camp.  The 
road  led  into  a  hilly  region,  exhibiting  in  every 
arable  patch  of  ground  the  evidence  of  laborious 
cultivation.  Over  a  deep  harranca^  or  ravine,  they 
crossed  on  a  bridge  of  stone,  which,  according  to 
tradition, — a  slippery  authority, — is  the  same  still 
standing,  and  was  constructed  originally  for  the 
passage  of  the  army.^  They  passed  some  consid- 
erable towns  on  their  route,  where  they  experi- 
enced a  full  measure  of  Indian  hospitality.  As 
they  advanced,  the  approach  to  a  populous  city  was 
intimated  by  the  crowds  who  flocked  out  to  see 

' "  A  distancia  de  un  quarto  de  legua  caminando  d  esta  dicha 
ciudad  se  encuentra  una  barranca  honda,  que  tiene  para  pasar  un 
Puente  de  cal  y  canto  de  hoveda,  y  es  tradicion  en  el  pueblo  de 
San  Salvador,  que  se  hizo  en  aquellos  dias,  que  estubo  alii  Cortes 
para  que  pasase."  (Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  xi.)  If  the  antiquity 
of  this  arched  stone  bridge  could  be  established,  it  would  settle  a 
point  much  mooted  in  respect  to  Indian  architecture.  But  the  con- 
struction of  so  solid  a  work  in  so  short  a  time  is  a  fact  requiring 
a  better  voucher  than  the  villagers  of  San  Salvador. 

163 


164.  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

and  welcome  the  strangers;  men  and  women  in 
their  picturesque  dresses,  with  bunches  and  wreaths 
of  roses,  which  they  gave  to  the  Spaniards,  or  fas- 
tened to  the  necks  and  caparisons  of  their  horses,  in 
the  same  manner  as  at  Cempoalla.  Priests,  with 
their  white  robes,  and  long  matted  tresses  float- 
ing over  them,  mingled  in  the  crowd,  scattering 
volumes  of  incense  from  their  burning  cen- 
sers. In  this  way,  the  multitudinous  and  motley 
procession  defiled  through  the  gates  of  the  an- 
cient capital  of  Tlascala.  It  was  the  twenty-third 
of  September,  1519,  the  anniversary  of  which  is 
still  celebrated  by  the  inhabitants  as  a  day  of 
jubilee.^ 

The  press  was  now  so  great  that  it  was  with  diffi- 
culty the  police  of  the  city  could  clear  a  passage 
for  the  army;  while  the  azoteas,  or  flat  terraced 
roofs  of  the  buildings,  were  covered  with  specta- 
tors, eager  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  wonderful 
strangers.  The  houses  were  hung  with  festoons  of 
flowers,  and  arches  of  verdant  boughs,  intertwined 
with  roses  and  honeysuckle,  were  thrown  across  the 
streets.  The  whole  population  abandoned  itself 
to  rejoicing;  and  the  air  was  rent  with  songs  and 
shouts  of  triumph,  mingled  with  the  wild  music  of 
the  national  instruments,  that  might  have  excited 
apprehensions  in  the  breasts  of  the  soldiery  had 
they  not  gathered  their  peaceful  import  from  the 

'Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  iii.  p.  53. — "  Recibimiento  el 
mas  solene  y  famoso  que  en  el  mundo  se  ha  visto,"  exclaims  the  en- 
thusiastic historian  of  the  republic.  He  adds  that  "  more  than  a 
hundred  thousand  men  flocked  out  to  receive  the  Spaniards;  a  thing 
that  appears  impossible,"  que  parece  cosa  imposible!  It  does  indeed- 
Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


1519]  DESCRIPTION    OF   TLASCALA  165 

assurance  of  Marina  and  the  joyous  countenances 
of  the  natives. 

With  these  accompaniments,  the  procession 
moved  along  the  principal  streets  to  the  mansion 
of  Xicotencatl,  the  aged  father  of  the  Tlascalan 
general,  and  one  of  the  four  rulers  of  the  republic. 
Cortes  dismounted  from  his  horse  to  receive  the  old 
chieftain's  embrace.  He  was  nearly  blind,  and  sat- 
isfied, as  far  as  he  could,  a  natural  curiosity  re- 
specting the  person  of  the  Spanish  general,  by 
passing  his  hand  over  his  features.  He  then  led 
the  way  to  a  spacious  hall  in  his  palace,  where  a 
banquet  was  served  to  the  army.  In  the  evening 
they  were  shown  to  their  quarters,  in  the  buildings 
and  open  ground  surrounding  one  of  the  principal 
teocallis;  while  the  Mexican  ambassadors,  at  the 
desire  of  Cortes,  had  apartments  assigned  them 
next  to  his  own,  that  he  might  the  better  watch 
over  their  safety  in  this  city  of  their  enemies.^ 

Tlascala  was  one  of  the  most  important  and 
populous  towns  on  the  table-land.  Cortes,  in  his 
letter  to  the  emperor,  compares  it  to  Granada,* 
affirming  that  it  was  larger,  stronger,  and  more 
populous  than  the  JSIoorish  capital  at  the  time  of 
the  conquest,  and  quite  as  well  built.^     But,  not- 

'  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  11.— Rel. 
Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  59. — Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala, 
MS. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  54. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib. 
6,  cap.  11. 

*  "  La  qual  ciudad  es  tan  grande,  y  de  tanta  admiracion,  que  aunque 
mucho  de  lo,  que  de  ella  podria  decir,  dexe,  lo  poco  que  dird  creo  es 

*  [So  Coronado  compared  Zuiii  and  Granada.  What  both  meant 
was  probably  that  the  cities,  if  properly  defended,  would  be  as  hard 
to  capture  as  Granada. — M.J 


166  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

withstanding  we  are  assured  by  a  most  respectable 
writer  at  the  close  of  the  last  century  that  its  re- 
mains justify  the  assertion,^  we  shall  be  slow  to 
believe  that  its  edifices  could  have  rivalled  those 
monuments  of  Oriental  magnificence,  whose  light, 
aerial  forms  still  survive  after  the  lapse  of  ages, 
the  admiration  of  every  traveller  of  sensibility  and 
taste.  The  truth  is,  that  Cortes,  like  Columbus, 
saw  objects  through  the  warm  medium  of  his  own 
fond  imagination,  giving  them  a  higher  tone  of 
coloring  and  larger  dimensions  than  were  strictly 
warranted  by  the  fact.  It  was  natural  that  the 
man  who  had  made  such  rare  discoveries  should  un- 
consciously magnify  their  merits  to  his  own  eyes 
and  to  those  of  others. 

The  houses  were  built,  for  the  most  part,  of  mud 
or  earth ;  the  better  sort  of  stone  and  lime,  or  bricks 
dried  in  the  sun.  They  were  unprovided  with 
doors  or  windows,  but  in  the  apertures  for  the 
former  hung  mats  fringed  with  pieces  of  copper 
or  something  which,  by  its  tinkling  sound,  would 
give  notice  of  any  one's  entrance.  The  streets  were 
narrow  and  dark.  The  population  must  have  been 
considerable,*  if,  as  Cortes  asserts,  thirty  thousand 
souls  were  often  gathered  in  the  market  on  a  public 

casi  increible,  porque  es  muy  mayor  que  Granada,  y  muy  mas  fuerte, 
y  de  tan  buenos  Edificios,  y  de  muy  murcha  mas  gente,  que  Granada 
tenia  al  tiempo  que  se  gano."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana, 
p.  58. 

" "  En  las  Ruinas,  que  aun  hoy  se  ven  en  Tlaxcala,  se  conoce,  que 
no  es  ponderacion."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  p.  58.  Nota  del  editor, 
Lorenzana. 

*  [About  the  same  as  that  of  Cholula,  which  Bandelier  estimated  at 
30,000.— M.] 


1519]  DESCRIPTION   OF   TLASCALA  167 

day.  These  meetings  were  a  sort  of  fairs,  held, 
as  usual  in  all  the  great  towns,  every  fifth  day,  and 
attended  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  adjacent 
country,  who  brought  there  for  sale  every  descrip- 
tion of  domestic  produce  and  manufacture  with 
which  they  were  acquainted.  They  peculiarly  ex- 
celled in  pottery,  which  was  considered  as  equal  to 
the  best  in  Europe.^  It  is  a  further  proof  of 
civilized  habits  that  the  Spaniards  found  barbers' 
shops,  and  baths  both  of  vapor  and  hot  water,  fa- 
miliarly used  by  the  inhabitants.  A  still  higher 
proof  of  refinement  may  be  discerned  in  a  vigilant 
police  which  repressed  everything  like  disorder 
among  the  people.^ 

The  city  was  divided  into  four  quarters,  which 
might  rather  be  called  so  many  separate  towns, 
since  they  were  built  at  different  times,  and  sepa- 
rated from  each  other  by  high  stone  walls,  defining 
their  respective  limits.  Over  each  of  these  districts 
ruled  one  of  the  four  great  chiefs  of  the  republic, 
occupying  his  own  spacious  mansion  *  and  sur- 
rounded by  his  own  immediate  vassals.  Strange 
arrangement, — and  more  strange  that  it  should 
have  been  compatible  with  social  order  and  tran- 
quillity !  The  ancient  capital,  through  one  quarter 
of  which  flowed  the  rapid  current  of  the  Zahuatl, 

' "  Nullum  est  fictile  vas  apud  nos,  quod  arte  superet  ab  illis  vasa 
formata."     Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  2. 

^  Camargo,  Hist,  de  TIascala,  MS. — Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren- 
zana,  p.  59.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  4.— Ixtlilxo- 
chitl.  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83. — The  last  historian  enumerates  such 
a  number  of  contemporary  Indian  authorities  for  his  narrative  as  of 
itself  argues  no  inconsiderable  degree  of  civilization  in  the  people. 

*  [One  of  the  great  communal  houses. — M.] 


168  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

stretched  along  the  summits  and  sides  of  hills,  at 
whose  base  are  now  gathered  the  miserable  re- 
mains of  its  once  flourishing  population.*^  Far 
beyond,  to  the  southeast,  extended  the  bold  sierra 
of  Tlascala,  and  the  huge  Malinche,  crowned  with 
the  usual  silver  diadem  of  the  highest  Andes,  hav- 
ing its  shaggy  sides  clothed  with  dark-green  for- 
ests of  firs,  gigantic  sycamores,  and  oaks  whose 
towering  stems  rose  to  the  height  of  forty  or  fifty 
feet,  unencumbered  by  a  branch.  The  clouds, 
which  sailed  over  from  the  distant  Atlantic,  gath- 
ered round  the  lofty  peaks  of  the  sierra,  and,  set- 
tling into  torrents,  poured  over  the  plains  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  city,  converting  them,  at  such 
seasons,  into  swamps.  Thunder-storms,  more  fre- 
quent and  terrible  here  than  in  other  parts  of  the 
table-land,  swept  down  the  sides  of  the  mountains 
and  shook  the  frail  tenements  of  the  capital  to  their 
foundations.  But,  although  the  bleak  winds  of  the 
sierra  gave  an  austerity  to  the  climate,  unlike  the 
sunny  skies  and  genial  temperature  of  the  lower 
regions,  it  was  far  more  favorable  to  the  develop- 
ment of  both  the  physical  and  moral  energies.  A 
bold  and  hardy  peasantry  was  nurtured  among  the 
recesses  of  the  hills,  fit  equally  to  cultivate  the  land 
in  peace  and  to  defend  it  in  war.  Unlike  the 
spoiled  child  of  Nature,  who  derives  such  facilities 
of  subsistence  from  her  too  prodigal  hand  as  super- 
sede the  necessity  of  exertion  on  his  own  part,  the 

*  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  6,  cap.  13.— The  population  of 
a  place  which  Cortes  could  compare  with  Granada  had  dwindled  by 
the  beginning  of  the  present  century  to  3400  inhabitants,  of  whom 
less  than  a  thousand  were  of  the  Indian  stock.  See  Humboldt,  Essai 
politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  158. 


1519]  SEVERE  DISCIPLINE  169 

Tlascalan  earned  his  bread— from  a  soil  not  un- 
grateful, it  is  true— by  the  sweat  of  his  brow.  He 
led  a  life  of  temperance  and  toil.  Cut  off  by  his 
long  wars  with  the  Aztecs  from  commercial  in- 
tercourse, he  was  driven  chiefly  to  agricultural 
labor,  the  occupation  most  propitious  to  purity  of 
morals  and  sinewy  strength  of  constitution.  His 
honest  breast  glowed  with  the  patriotism,  or  local 
attachment  to  the  soil,  which  is  the  fruit  of 
its  diligent  culture;  while  he  was  elevated  by 
a  proud  consciousness  of  independence,  the 
natural  birthright  of  the  child  of  the  mountains. 
Such  was  the  race  with  whom  Cortes  was 
now  associated  for  the  achievement  of  his  great 
work. 

Some  days  were  given  by  the  Spaniards  to  fes- 
tivity, in  which  they  were  successively  entertained 
at  the  hospitable  boards  of  the  four  great  nobles, 
in  their  several  quarters  of  the  city.  Amidst  these 
friendly  demonstrations,  however,  the  general 
never  relaxed  for  a  moment  his  habitual  vigilance, 
or  the  strict  discipline  of  the  camp;  and  he  was 
careful  to  provide  for  the  security  of  the  citizens 
by  prohibiting,  under  severe  penalties,  any  soldier 
from  leaving  his  quarters  without  express  permis- 
sion. Indeed,  the  severity  of  his  discipline  pro- 
voked the  remonstrance  of  more  than  one  of  his 
officers,  as  a  superfluous  caution ;  and  the  Tlascalan 
chiefs  took  some  exception  at  it,  as  inferring  an 
unreasonable  distrust  of  them.  But,  when  Cortes 
explained  it,  as  in  obedience  to  an  established 
military  system,  they  testified  their  admiration, 
and  the  ambitious  young  general  of  the  republic 


170  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

proposed  to  introduce  it,  if  possible,  into  his  own 
ranks.® 

The  Spanish  commander,  having  assured  him- 
self of  the  loyalty  of  his  new  allies,  next  proposed 
to  accomplish  one  of  the  great  objects  of  his  mis- 
sion, their  conversion  to  Christianity.  By  the  ad- 
vice of  Father  Olmedo,  always  opposed  to  precipi- 
tate measures,  he  had  deferred  this  till  a  suitable 
opportunity  presented  itself  for  opening  the  sub- 
ject. Such  a  one  occurred  when  the  chiefs  of 
the  state  proposed  to  strengthen  the  alliance  with 
the  Spaniards  by  the  intermarriage  of  their  daugh- 
ters with  Cortes  and  his  officers.  He  told  them  this 
could  not  be  while  they  continued  in  the  darkness 
of  infidelity.  Then,  with  the  aid  of  the  good  friar, 
he  expounded  as  well  as  he  could  the  doctrines  of 
the  Faith,  and,  exliibiting  the  image  of  the  Virgin 
with  the  infant  Redeemer,  told  them  that  there  was 
the  God  in  whose  worship  alone  they  would  find 
salvation,  while  that  of  their  own  false  idols  would 
sink  them  in  eternal  perdition. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  burden  the  reader  with  a 
recapitulation  of  his  homily,  which  contained, 
probably,  dogmas  quite  as  incomprehensible  to  the 
untutored  Indian  as  any  to  be  found  in  his  own 
rude  mythology.  But,  though  it  failed  to  convince 
his  audience,  they  listened  with  a  deferential  awe. 
When  he  had  finished,  they  replied  they  had  no 
doubt  that  the  God  of  the  Christians  must  be  a 
good  and  a  great  God,  and  as  such  they  were  will- 

'Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  11.— Camargo, 
Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.— Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  54.  55.  — Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  13.— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  75. 


1519]  ATTEMPTED    CONVERSION  171 

ing  to  give  him  a  place  among  the  divinities  of 
Tlascala.  The  polytheistic  system  of  the  Indians, 
like  that  of  the  ancient  Greeks,  was  of  that  ac- 
commodating kind  which  could  admit  within  its 
elastic  folds  the  deities  of  any  other  religion,  with- 
out violence  to  itself/*^  But  every  nation,  they 
continued,  must  have  its  own  appropriate  and  tu- 
telary deities.  Nor  could  they,  in  their  old  age, 
abjure  the  service  of  those  who  had  watched  over 
them  from  youth.  It  would  bring  down  the  ven- 
geance of  their  gods,  and  of  their  own  nation,  who 
were  as  warmly  attached  to  their  religion  as  their 
liberties,  and  would  defend  both  with  the  last  drop 
of  their  blood! 

It  was  clearly  inexpedient  to  press  the  mat- 
ter further  at  present.  But  the  zeal  of  Cortes, 
as  usual,  waxing  warm  by  opposition,  had  now 
mounted  too  high  for  him  to  calculate  obstacles; 
nor  would  he  have  shrunk,  probably,  from  the 
crown  of  martyrdom  in  so  good  a  cause.  But,  for- 
tunately, at  least  for  the  success  of  his  temporal 
cause,  this  crown  was  not  reserved  for  him. 

The  good  monk,  his  ghostly  adviser,  seeing  the 
course  things  were  likely  to  take,  with  better  judg- 
ment interposed  to  prevent  it.  He  had  no  desire, 
he  said,  to  see  the  same  scenes  acted  over  again  as 
at  Cempoalla.     He  had  no  relish  for  forced  con- 

'"  Camargo  notices  this  elastic  property  in  the  religions  of  Ana- 
huac:  "  Este  modo  de  hablar  y  decir  que  les  querra  dar  otro  Dios, 
es  saber  que  cuando  estas  gentes  tenian  noticia  de  algun  Dios  de 
buenas  propiedades  y  costumbres,  que  le  rescibiesen  admitiendole  por 
tal,  porque  otras  gentes  advenedizas  trujeron  muchos  idolos  que  tu- 
bieron  por  Dioses,  y  a  este  fin  y  proposito  decian,  que  Cortes  les 
traia  otro  Dios."    Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


172  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

versions.  They  could  hardly  be  lasting.  The 
growth  of  an  hour  might  well  die  with  the  hour. 
Of  what  use  was  it  to  overturn  the  altar,  if  the 
idol  remained  enthroned  in  the  heart  ?  or  to  destroy 
the  idol  itself,  if  it  were  only  to  make  room  for 
another?  Better  to  wait  patiently  the  effect  of 
time  and  teaching  to  soften  the  heart  and  open  the 
understanding,  witliout  which  there  could  be  no 
assurance  of  a  sound  and  permanent  conviction. 
These  rational  views  were  enforced  by  the  remon- 
strances of  Alvarado,  Velasquez  de  Leon,  and  those 
in  whom  Cortes  placed  most  confidence ;  till,  driven 
from  his  original  purpose,  the  military  polemic 
consented  to  relinquish  the  attempt  at  conversion 
for  the  present,  and  to  refrain  from  a  repetition 
of  scenes  which,  considering  the  different  mettle 
of  the  population,  might  have  been  attended  with 
very  different  results  from  those  at  Cozumel  and 
Cempoalla.^^ 

In  the  course  of  our  narrative  we  have  had  occa- 
sion to  witness  more  than  once  the  good  effects  of 
the  interposition  of  Father  Olmedo.  Indeed,  it  is 
scarcely  too  much  to  say  that  his  discretion  in  spir- 
itual matters  contributed  as  essentially  to  the  suc- 
cess of  the  expedition  as  did  the  sagacity  and 

"  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  84.— Gomara,  Cronica,  cap. 
56. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  76,  77. — This  is  not  the 
account  of  Camargo.  According  to  him',  Cortes  gained  his  point: 
the  nobles  led  the  way  by  embracing  Christianity,  and  the  idols  were 
broken.  (Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.)  But  Camargo  was  himself  a 
Christianized  Indian,  who  lived  in  the  next  generation  after  the 
Conquest,  and  may  very  likely  have  felt  as  much  desire  to  relieve 
his  nation  from  the  reproach  of  infidelity  as  a  modern  Spaniard 
would  to  scour  out  the  stain — mala  raza  y  mancha — of  Jewish  or 
Moorish  lineage  from  his  escutcheon. 


1519]  ATTEMPTED    CONVERSION  173 

courage  of  Cortes  in  temporal.  He  was  a  true 
disciple  in  the  school  of  Las  Casas.  His  heart  was 
unscathed  by  that  fiery  fanaticism  which  sears  and 
hardens  whatever  it  touches.  It  melted  with  the 
warm  glow  of  Christian  charity.  He  had  come 
out  to  the  New  World  as  a  missionary  among  the 
heathen,  and  he  shrank  from  no  sacrifice  but  that 
of  the  welfare  of  the  poor  benighted  flock  to  whom 
he  had  consecrated  his  days.  If  he  followed  the 
banners  of  the  warrior,  it  was  to  mitigate  the  fe- 
rocity of  war,  and  to  turn  the  triumphs  of  the  Cross 
to  a  good  account  for  the  natives  themselves,  by 
the  spiritual  labors  of  conversion.  He  afforded 
the  uncommon  example — not  to  have  been  looked 
for,  certainly,  in  a  Spanish  monk  of  the  sixteenth 
century — of  enthusiasm  controlled  by  reason,  a 
quickening  zeal  tempered  by  the  mild  spirit  of 
toleration. 

But,  though  Cortes  abandoned  the  ground  of 
conversion  for  the  present,  he  compelled  the  Tlas- 
calans  to  break  the  fetters  of  the  unfortunate  vic- 
tims reserved  for  sacrifice;  an  act  of  humanity 
unhappily  only  transient  in  its  effects,  since  the 
prisons  were  filled  with  fresh  victims  on  his  de- 
parture. 

He  also  obtained  permission  for  the  Spaniards 
to  perform  the  services  of  their  own  religion  un- 
molested. A  large  cross  was  erected  in  one  of  the 
great  courts  or  squares.  Mass  was  celebrated 
every  day  in  the  presence  of  the  army  and  of 
crowds  of  natives,  who,  if  they  did  not  comprehend 
its  full  import,  were  so  far  edified  that  they  learned 
to  reverence  the  religion  of  their  conquerors.    The 


174«  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

direct  interi^osition  of  Heaven,  however,  wrought 
more  for  their  conversion  than  the  best  homily  of 
priest  or  soldier.  Scarcely  had  the  Spaniards  left 
the  city — the  tale  is  told  on  very  respectable  au- 
thority—when a  thin,  transparent  cloud  descended 
and  settled  like  a  column  on  the  cross,  and,  wrap- 
ping it  round  in  its  luminous  folds,  continued  to 
emit  a  soft,  celestial  radiance  through  the  night, 
thus  proclaiming  the  sacred  character  of  the  sym- 
bol, on  which  was  shed  the  halo  of  divinity !  ^  ^ 

The  principle  of  toleration  in  religious  matters 
being  established,  the  Spanish  general  consented 
to  receive  the  daughters  of  the  caciques.  Five  or 
six  of  the  most  beautiful  of  the  Indian  maidens 
were  assigned  to  as  many  of  his  principal  officers, 
after  they  had  been  cleansed  from  the  stains  of 
infidelity  by  the  waters  of  baptism.  They  re- 
ceived, as  usual,  on  this  occasion,  good  Castilian 
names,  in  exchange  for  the  barbarous  nomencla- 
turn  of  their  own  vernacular.^ ^  Among  them, 
Xicotencatl's  daughter,  Dona  Luisa,  as  she  was 
called  after  her  baptism,  was  a  princess  of  the  high- 
est estimation  and  authority  in  Tlascala.  She  was 
given  by  her  father  to  Alvarado,  and  their  pos- 
terity intermarried  with  the  noblest  families  of 
Castile.  The  frank  and  joj'^ous  manners  of  this 
cavalier  made  him  a  great  favorite  with  the  Tlas- 

"The  miracle  is  reported  by  Herrera  (Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  6, 
cap.  15),  and  believed  by  Solfs.    Conquista  de  M^jico,  lib.  3,  cap.  5. 

"  To  avoid  the  perplexity  of  selection,  it  was  common  for  the  mis- 
sionary to  give  the  same  names  to  all  the  Indians  baptized  on  the 
same  day.  Thus,  one  day  was  set  apart  for  the  Johns,  another  for  the 
Peters,  and  so  on;  an  ingenious  arrangement,  much  more  for  the 
convenience  of  the  clergy  than  of  the  converts.  See  Camargo,  Hist. 
de  Tlascala,  MS. 


1519]  AZTEC  EMBASSY  175 

calans ;  and  his  bright,  open  countenance,  fair  com- 
plexion, and  golden  locks  gave  him  the  name  of 
Tonatiuhj  the  "  Sun."  The  Indians  often  pleased 
their  fancies  by  fastening  a  sobriquet,  or  some 
characteristic  epithet,  on  the  Spaniards.  As  Cor- 
tes was  always  attended,  on  public  occasions,  by 
Dona  Marina,  or  oMalinche,  as  she  was  called  by 
the  natives,  they  distinguished  him  by  the  same 
name.  By  these  epithets,  originally  bestowed  in 
Tlascala,  the  two  Spanish  captains  were  popularly 
designated  among  the  Indian  nations.^  ^ 

While  these  events  were  passing,  another  em- 
bassy arrived  from  the  court  of  Mexico.  It  was 
charged,  as  usual,  with  a  costly  donative  of  em- 
bossed gold  plate,  and  rich  embroidered  stuffs  of 
cotton  and  feather-work.  The  terms  of  the  mes- 
sage might  well  argue  a  vacillating  and  timid 
temper  in  the  monarch,  did  they  not  mask  a  deeper 
policy.  He  now  invited  the  Spaniards  to  his  capi- 
tal, with  the  assurance  of  a  cordial  welcome.  He 
besought  them  to  enter  into  no  alliance  with  the 
base  and  barbarous  Tlascalans ;  and  he  invited  them 
to  take  the  route  of  the  friendly  city  of  Cholula, 
where  arrangements,  according  to  his  orders,  were 
made  for  their  reception.^ ^ 

"Ibid.,  MS. — Bernal  Diaz.  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  74,  77.— 
According  to  Camargo,  the  Tlascalans  gave  the  Spanish  commander 
three  hundred  damsels  to  wait  on  Marina;  and  the  kind  treatment 
and  instruction  they  received  led  some  of  the  chiefs  to  surrender  their 
own  daughters,  "  con  prop6sito  de  que  si  acaso  algunas  se  empre- 
nasen  quedase  entre  ellos  generacion  de  hombres  tan  valientes  y 
temidos." 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  80. — Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  60.— Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  2. — 
Cortes  notices  only  one  Aztec  mission,  while  Diaz  speaks  of  three. 
The  former,  from  brevity,  falls  so  much  short  of  the  whole  truth,  and 


176  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

The  Tlascalans  viewed  with  deep  regret  the  gen- 
eral's proposed  visit  to  Mexico.  Their  reports 
fully  confirmed  all  he  had  before  heard  of  the 
power  and  ambition  of  Montezuma.  His  armies, 
they  said,  were  spread  over  every  part  of  the  con- 
tinent. His  capital  was  a  place  of  great  strength, 
and  as,  from  its  insular  position,  all  communication 
could  be  easily  cut  off  with  the  adjacent  country, 
the  Spaniards,  once  entrapped  there,  would  be  at 
his  mercy.  His  policy,  they  represented,  was  as 
insidious  as  his  ambition  was  boundless.  "  Trust 
not  his  fair  words,"  they  said,  "  his  courtesies,  and 
his  gifts.  His  professions  are  hollow,  and  his 
friendships  false."  When  Cortes  remarked  that 
he  hoped  to  bring  about  a  better  understanding  be- 
tween the  emperor  and  them,  they  replied  it  would 
be  impossible ;  however  smooth  his  words,  he  would 
hate  them  at  heart. 

They  warmly  protested,  also,  against  the  gen- 
eral's taking  the  route  of  Cholula.  The  inhabi- 
tants, not  brave  in  the  open  field,  were  more 
dangerous  from  their  perfidy  and  craft.  They 
were  Montezuma's  tools,  and  would  do  his  bidding. 
The  Tlascalans  seemed  to  combine  with  this  dis- 
trust a  superstitious  dread  of  the  ancient  city,  the 
headquarters  of  the  religion  of  Anahuac.  It  was 
here  that  the  god  Quetzalcoatl  held  the  pristine 
seat  of  his  empire.     His  temple  was  celebrated 

the  latter,  from  forgetfulness  perhaps,  goes  so  much  beyond  it, 
that  it  is  not  always  easy  to  decide  between  them.  Diaz  did  not  com- 
pile his  narrative  till  some  fifty  years  after  the  Conquest;  a  lapse  of 
time  which  may  excuse  many  errors,  but  must  considerably  impair 
our  confidence  in  the  minute  accuracy  of  his  details.  A  more  intimate 
acquaintance  with  his  chronicle  does  not  strengthen  this  confidence. 


1519]  INVITED  TO  CHOLULA  177 

throughout  the  land,  and  the  priests  were  confi- 
dently believed  to  have  the  power,  as  they  them- 
selves boasted,  of  opening  an  inundation  from  the 
fomidations  of  his  shrine,  which  should  bury  their 
enemies  in  the  deluge.  The  Tlascalans  further 
reminded  Cortes  that,  while  so  many  other  and 
distant  places  had  sent  to  him  at  Tlascala  to  testify 
their  good  will  and  offer  their  allegiance  to 
his  sovereigns,  Cholula,  only  six  leagues  distant, 
had  done  neither.  The  last  suggestion  struck 
the  general  more  forcibly  than  any  of  the  pre- 
ceding. He  instantly  despatched  a  summons  to 
the  city,  requiring  a  formal  tender  of  its 
submission. 

Among  the  embassies  from  different  quarters 
which  had  waited  on  the  Spanish  commander, 
while  at  Tlascala,  was  one  from  Ixtlilxochitl,  son 
of  the  great  Nezahualpilli,  and  an  unsuccessful 
competitor  with  his  elder  brother — as  noticed  in  a 
former  part  of  our  narrative — for  the  crown  of 
Tezcuco.^*^  Though  defeated  in  his  pretensions, 
he  had  obtained  a  part  of  the  kingdom,  over  which 
he  ruled  with  a  deadly  feeling  of  animosity  to- 
wards his  rival,  and  to  JNIontezuma,  who  had  sus- 
tained him.  He  now  offered  his  services  to  Cortes, 
asking  his  aid,  in  return,  to  place  him  on  the  throne 
of  his  ancestors.  The  politic  general  returned  such 
an  answer  to  the  aspiring  young  prince  as  might 
encourage  his  expectations  and  attach  him  to  his 
interests.  It  was  his  aim  to  strengthen  his  cause 
by  attracting  to  himself  every  particle  of  disaffec- 
tion that  was  floating  through  the  land. 

^'Ante,  p.  306. 


178  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

It  was  not  long  before  deputies  arrived  from 
Choliila,  profuse  in  their  expressions  of  good  will, 
and  inviting  the  presence  of  the  Spaniards  in  their 
capital.  The  messengers  were  of  low  degree,  far 
beneath  the  usual  rank  of  ambassadors.  This  was 
pointed  out  by  the  Tlascalans ;  and  Cortes  regarded 
it  as  a  fresh  indignity.  He  sent  in  consequence  a 
new  summons,  declaring  if  they  did  not  instantly 
send  him  a  deputation  of  their  principal  men  he 
would  deal  with  them  as  rebels  to  his  own  sover- 
eign, the  rightful  lord  of  these  realms!  ^^  The 
menace  had  the  desired  effect.  The  Cholulans 
were  not  inclined  to  contest,  at  least  for  the  pres- 
ent, his  magnificent  pretensions.  Another  embassy 
appeared  in  the  camp,  consisting  of  some  of  the 
highest  nobles ;  who  repeated  the  invitation  for  the 
Spaniards  to  visit  their  city,  and  excused  their  own 
tardy  appearance  by  apprehensions  for  their  per- 
sonal safety  in  the  capital  of  their  enemies.  The 
explanation  was  plausible,  and  was  admitted  by 
Cortes. 

The  Tlascalans  were  now  more  than  ever  op- 
posed to  his  projected  visit.  A  strong  Aztec  force, 
they  had  ascertained,  lay  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Cholula,  and  the  people  were  actively  placing 
their  city  in  a  posture  of  defence.    They  suspected 

"  "  Si  no  viniessen,  iria  sobre  ellos,  y  los  destrui'ria,  y  procederia 
contra  ellos  como  contra  personas  rebeldes;  diciendoles,  como  todas 
estas  Partes,  y  otras  muy  mayores  Tierras,  y  Senorfos  eran  de  Vues- 
tra  Alteza."  (Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  63.)  "Re- 
bellion" was  a  very  convenient  term,  fastened  in  like  manner  by  the 
countrjTnen  of  Cortes  on  the  Moors  for  defending  the  possessions 
which  they  had  held  for  eight  centuries  in  the  Peninsula.  It  justified 
very  rigorous  reprisals.  (See  the  History  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
Part  L,  chap.  13,  et  alibi.) 


1519]  INVITED    TO   CHOLULA  179 

some  insidious  scheme  concerted  by  Montezuma  to 
destroy  the  Spaniards. 

These  suggestions  disturbed  the  mind  of  Cortes, 
but  did  not  turn  him  from  his  purpose.  He  felt  a 
natural  curiosity  to  see  the  venerable  city  so  cele- 
brated in  the  history  of  the  Indian  nations.  He 
had,  besides,  gone  too  far  to  recede, — too  far,  at 
least,  to  do  so  without  a  show  of  apprehension  im- 
plying a  distrust  in  his  own  resources  which  could 
not  fail  to  have  a  bad  effect  on  his  enemies,  his  al- 
lies, and  his  own  men.  After  a  brief  consultation 
with  his  officers,  he  decided  on  the  route  to  Cho- 
lula.^« 

It  was  now  three  weeks  since  the  Spaniards  had 
taken  up  their  residence  within  the  hospitable  walls 
of  Tlascala,  and  nearly  six  since  they  entered  her 
territory.  They  had  been  met  on  the  threshold  as 
enemies,  with  the  most  determined  hostility.  They 
were  now  to  part  with  the  same  people  as  friends 
and  allies ;  fast  friends,  who  were  to  stand  by  them, 
side  by  side,  through  the  whole  of  their  arduous 
struggle.  The  result  of  their  visit,  therefore,  was 
of  the  last  importance;  since  on  the  co-operation 
of  these  brave  and  warlike  republicans  greatly  de- 
pended the  ultimate  success  of  the  expedition. 

"  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortds,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  62,  63.— Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  4.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap. 
84. — Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  58. — Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap. 
2. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  18. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de 
Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  11. 


CHAPTER  VI 

CITY  OF  CHOLULA— GREAT  TEMPLE— MARCH  TO 
CHOLULA — RECEPTION  OF  THE  SPANIARDS  —  CON- 
SPIRACY DETECTED 

1519 

THE  ancient  city  of  Cholula,  capital  of  the 
republic  of  that  name,  lay  nearly  six  leagues 
south  of  Tlascala,  and  about  twenty  east,  or  rather 
southeast,  of  Mexico.  It  was  said  by  Cortes  to 
contain  twenty  thousand  houses  within  the  walls, 
and  as  many  more  in  the  environs ;  ^  though  now 
dwindled  to  a  population  of  less  than  sixteen  thou- 
sand souls.^  Whatever  was  its  real  number  of  in- 
habitants, it  was  unquestionably,  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest,  one  of  the  most  populous  and  flourishing 
cities  in  New  Spain. 

It  was  of  great  antiquity,  and  was  founded  by 
the  primitive  races  who  overspread  the  land  before 
the  Aztecs.^    We  have  few  particulars  of  its  form 

^Rel.  Seg.,  ap,  Lorenzana,  p.  67.— According  to  Las  Casas,  the 
place  contained  30,000  vecinos,  or  about  150,000  inhabitants.  (Bre- 
vissima  Relatione  della  Distruttione  dell'  Indie  Occidentale  (Venetia, 
1643).  This  latter,  being  the  smaller  estimate,  is  a  priori  the  more 
credible;  especially — a  rare  occurrence— when  in  the  pages  of  the 
good  Bishop  of  Chiapa. 

*  Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  torn.  iii.  p.  159. 

*  Veytia  carries  back  the  foundation  of  the  city  to  the  Ulmecs,  a 
people  who  preceded  the  Toltecs.     (Hist,  antig.,  torn.  i.  cap.  13,  20.) 

180 


1519]  CITY   OF   CHOLULA  181 

of  government,  which  seems  to  have  been  cast  on 
a  repubhcan  model  similar  to  that  of  Tlascala.* 
This  answered  so  well  that  the  state  maintained  its 
independence  down  to  a  very  late  period,  when,  if 
not  reduced  to  vassalage  by  the  Aztecs,  it  was  so 
far  under  their  control  as  to  enjoy  few  of  the 
benefits  of  a  separate  political  existence.  Their 
connection  with  Mexico  brought  the  Cholulans 
into  frequent  collision  with  their  neighbors  and 
kindred  the  Tlascalans.  But,  although  far  supe- 
rior to  them  in  refinement  and  the  various  arts  of 
civilization,  they  were  no  match  in  war  for  the 
bold  mountaineers,  the  Swiss  of  Anahuac.  The 
Cholulan  capital  was  the  great  commercial  empo- 
rium of  the  plateau.  The  inhabitants  excelled  in 
various  mechanical  arts,  especially  that  of  working 
in  metals,  the  manufacture  of  cotton  and  agave 
cloths,  and  of  a  delicate  kind  of  pottery,  rivalling, 
it  was  said,  that  of  Florence  in  beauty.^    But  such 

As  the  latter,  after  occupying  the  land  se%^eral  centuries,  have  left 
not  a  single  written  record,  probably,  of  their  existence,  it  will  be 
hard  to  disprove  the  licentiate's  assertion, — still  harder  to  prove  it. 

*  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  S.f 

*  [The  older  authorities  agree  in  stating  that  Cholula  was  demo- 
cratically governed.  Bandelier  (Studies  about  Cholula  and  its  Vicin- 
ity, in  his  Report  of  an  Archaeological  Tour  in  Mexico  in  1881) 
concludes  that  there  were  in  the  community  six  kins.  Torquemada 
says  the  tribal  council  consisted  of  six  speakers.  The  tribe  was  gov- 
erned by  two  chief  executives  (called  Aquiach  and  Tlalquiach). 
Their  functions  were  partly  warlike,  as  is  evidenced  by  their  appel- 
lations "  eagle  "  and  "  tiger,"  and  partly  religious.  The  tribe  occu- 
pied one  large  pueblo,  with  a  few  smaller  groups,  possibly  twenty, 
scattered  about  it,  of  which  perhaps  two  deserved  the  title  of  villages. 
The  population  of  the  pueblo  may  have  been  30,000  in  1519.  The 
estimate  of  houses  which  Cortes  gives  is  too  large.  Moreover,  a  large 
number  of  houses  in  each  pueblo  was  always  unoccupied. — M.] 

t  ["  We  find  that,  according  to  tradition,  the  territory  of  Cholula 
was,  up  to  the  year  1519,  necessarily  occupied  by  at  least  three  dif- 


182  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

attention  to  the  arts  of  a  polished  and  peaceful 
community  naturally  indisposed  them  to  war,  and 
disqualified  them  for  coping  with  those  who  made 
war  the  great  business  of  life.  The  Cholulans  were 
accused  of  effeminacy,  and  were  less  distinguished 
— it  is  the  charge  of  their  rivals— by  their  courage 
than  their  cunning.^ 

But  the  capital,  so  conspicuous  for  its  refine- 
ment and  its  great  antiquity,  was  even  more  vener- 
able for  the  religious  traditions  which  invested  it. 
It  was  here  that  the  god  Quetzalcoatl  paused  in  his 
passage  to  the  coast,  and  passed  twenty  years  in 
teaching  the  Toltec  inhabitants  the  arts  of  civiliza- 
tion. He  made  them  acquainted  with  better  forms 
of  government,  and  a  more  spiritualized  religion, 
in  which  the  only  sacrifices  were  the  fruits  and 
flowers  of  the  season.*'  It  is  not  easy  to  determine 
what  he  taught,  since  his  lessons  have  been  so  min- 
gled with  the  licentious  dogmas  of  his  own  priests 
and  the  mystic  commentaries  of  the  Christian 
missionary."^     It  is  probable  that  he  was  one  of 

^Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  58. — 
Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  3,  cap.  19. 

*Veytia,  Hist,  antig.,  torn.  i.  cap.  15,  et  seq. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de 
Nueva-Espana,  lib.  1,  cap.  5;  lib.  3. 

'  Later  divines  have  found  in  these  teachings  of  the  Toltec  god,  or 
high-priest,  the  germs  of  some  of  the  great  mysteries  of  the  Chris- 
tian faith,  as  those  of  the  Incarnation,  and  the  Trinity,  for  example. 

ferent  stocks.  The  modes  of  burial,  so  far  as  ascertained,  reveal 
an  equal  number  of  distinct  customs.  The  architecture,  so  far  as  it 
is  possible  to  investigate  it,  shows  at  least  two  separate  types.  .  .  . 
Finally  we  may  ask  if  the  facts,  that  the  adobe  bricks  of  the  great 
mound  contain  pottery  and  obsidian,  and  that  skulls  have  been  found 
beneath  its  projecting  western  apron,  do  not  hint  at  a  still  older 
population,  with  perhaps  a  different  style  of  architecture."  Ban- 
delier,  Archaeological  Tour,  p.  261. — M.] 


1519]  THE   PYRAMID   OF   CHOLULA  183 

those  rare  and  gifted  beings  who,  dissipating  the 
darkness  of  the  age  by  the  illumination  of  their 
own  genius,  are  deified  by  a  grateful  posterity  and 
placed  among  the  lights  of  heaven. 

It  was  in  honor  of  this  benevolent  deity  that  the 
stupendous  mound*  was  erected  on  which  the  trav- 
eller still  gazes  with  admiration  as  the  most  colos- 
sal fabric  in  New  Spain,  rivalling  in  dimensions, 
and  somewhat  resembling  in  form,  the  pyramidal 
structures  of  ancient  Egypt.  The  date  of  its  erec- 
tion is  unknown;  for  it  was  found  there  when  the 
Aztecs  entered  on  the  plateau.  It  had  the  form 
common  to  the  Mexican  teocallis,  that  of  a  trun- 
cated pyramid,  facing  with  its  four  sides  the  car- 
dinal points,  and  divided  into  the  same  number  of 
terraces.  Its  original  outlines,  however,  have 
been  effaced  by  the  action  of  time  and  of  the  ele- 
ments, while  the  exuberant  growth  of  shrubs  and 
wild  flowers,  which  have  mantled  over  its  surface. 

In  the  teacher  himself  they  recognize  no  less  a  person  than  St. 
Thomas  the  Apostle !  See  the  Dissertation  of  the  irrefragable  Dr. 
Mier,  with  an  edifying  commentary  by  Senor  Bustamante,  ap.  Sa- 
hagun.  (Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  torn,  i.,  Suplemento.)  The  reader 
will  find  further  particulars  of  this  matter  in  the  essay  on  the 
Origin  of  the  Mexican  Civilization,  at  the  end  of  the  first  book 
of  this  history. 

*  [The  most  careful  measurements  of  the  great  mound,  or  "pyra- 
mid," were  those  made  by  Bandelier  in  1881.  He  found  the  base 
to  be  a  trapeze.  North  line,  1000  feet;  east  line,  1026  feet;  south  line, 
833  feet;  west  line,  1000  feet;  total,  3859  feet.  This  would  give  an 
approximate  area  of  over  twenty  acres  for  the  base.  Measuring  the 
height  of  the  mound  from  each  of  its  four  sides,  he  found  the  aver- 
age altitude  to  be  169  feet.  There  is  not  a  trace  of  aboriginal  work 
upon  the  summit.  The  structure  was  built  long  before  the  Nahuatl 
period.  It  was  not  erected  at  one  time,  but  grew  as  necessity  ordered. 
It  was  a  place  of  refuge  and  its  top  was  used  as  a  place  of  wor- 
ship.—M.] 


184  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

give  it  the  appearance  of  one  of  those  symmetrical 
elevations  thrown  up  by  the  caprice  of  nature 
rather  than  by  the  industry  of  man.  It  is  doubtful 
indeed,  whether  the  interior  be  not  a  natural  hill; 
though  it  seems  not  improbable  that  it  is  an  arti- 
ficial composition  of  stone  and  earth,  deeply  in- 
crusted,  as  is  certain,  in  every  part,  with  alternate 
strata  of  brick  and  clay.^ 

The  perpendicular  height  of  the  pyramid  is  one 
hundred  and  seventy-seven  feet.  Its  base  is  one 
thousand  four  hundred  and  tw  enty-three  feet  long, 
twice  as  long  as  that  of  the  great  pyramid  of 
Cheops.  It  may  give  some  idea  of  its  dimensions 
to  state  that  its  base,  which  is  square,  covers  about 
forty-four  acres,  and  the  platform  on  its  truncated 
summit  embraces  more  than  one.  It  reminds  us 
of  those  colossal  monuments  of  brickwork  which 
are  still  seen  in  ruins  on  the  banks  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, and,  in  much  higher  preservation,  on  those 
of  the  Nile.^ 

On  the  summit  stood  a  sumptuous  temple,  in 

*Such,  on  the  whole,  seems  to  be  the  judgment  of  M.  de  Hum- 
boldt, who  has  examined  this  interesting  monument  with  his  usual 
care.  (Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p.  27,  et  seq. — Essai  politique,  tom.  ii. 
p.  150,  et  seq.)  The  opinion  derives  strong  confirmation  from  the 
fact  that  a  road,  cut  some  years  since  across  the  tumulus,  laid  open 
a  large  section  of  it,  in  which  the  alternate  layers  of  brick  and  clay 
are  distinctly  visible.  (Ibid.,  loc.  cit.)  The  present  appearance  of 
this  monument,  covered  over  with  the  verdure  and  vegetable  mould 
of  centuries,  excuses  the  scepticism  of  the  more  superficial  traveller, 

*  Several  of  the  pyramids  of  Egj-pt,  and  the  ruins  of  Babylon,  are, 
as  is  well  known,  of  brick.  An  inscription  on  one  of  the  former, 
indeed,  celebrates  this  material  as  superior  to  stone.  (Herodotus, 
Euterpe,  sec.  136.)  —  Humboldt  furnishes  an  apt  illustration  of  the 
size  of  the  Mexican  teocalli,  by  comparing  it  to  a  mass  of  bricks 
covering  a  square  four  times  as  large  as  the  Place  Vendome,  and  of 
twice  the  height  of  the  Louvre.    Essai  politique,  tom.  ii.  p.  152, 


1519]  GREAT  TEMPLE  185 

which  was  the  image  of  the  mystic  deity,  "god  of 
the  air,"  with  ebon  features,  unlike  the  fair  com- 
plexion which  he  bore  upon  earth,  wearing  a  mitre 
on  his  head  waving  with  plumes  of  fire,  with  a  re- 
splendent collar  of  gold  round  his  neck,  pendants 
of  mosaic  turquoise  in  his  ears,  a  jewelled  sceptre 
in  one  hand,  and  a  shield  curiously  painted,  the 
emblem  of  his  rule  over  the  winds,  in  the  other.^^ 
The  sanctity  of  the  place,  hallowed  by  hoary  tra- 
dition, and  the  magnificence  of  the  temple  and  its 
services,  made  it  an  object  of  veneration  through- 
out the  land,  and  pilgrims  from  the  farthest 
corners  of  Anahuac  came  to  offer  up  their  devo- 
tions at  the  shrine  of  Quetzalcoatl.^^  The  number 
of  these  was  so  great  as  to  give  an  air  of  mendicity 
to  the  motley  population  of  the  city;  and  Cortes, 
struck  with  the  novelty,  tells  us  that  he  saw  multi- 
tudes of  beggars,  such  as  are  to  be  found  in  the 
enlightened  capitals  of  Europe;^- — a  whimsical 
criterion  of  civilization,  which  must  place  our  own 
prosperous  land  somewhat  low  in  the  scale. 

Cholula  was  not  the  resort  only  of  the  indigent 
devotee.  Many  of  the  kindred  races  had  temples 
of  their  own  in  the  city,  in  the  same  manner  as  some 
Christian  nations  have  in  Rome,  and  each  temple 

"  A  minute  account  of  the  costume  and  insignia  of  Quetzalcoatl  is 
given  by  Father  Sahagun,  who  saw  the  Aztec  gods  before  the  arm  of 
the  Christian  convert  had  tumbled  them  from  "  their  pride  of  place." 
See  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espaila,  lib.  1,  cap.  3. 

"  They  came  from  the  distance  of  two  hundred  leagues,  says  Tor- 
quemada.    Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  3,  cap.  19. 

*^ "  Hay  mucha  gente  pobre,  y  que  piden  entre  los  Ricos  por  las 
Calles,  y  por  las  Casas,  y  Mercados,  como  hacen  los  Pobres  en  Es- 
paila,  y  en  otras  partes  que  hay  Oente  de  razon."  Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lo- 
renzana,  pp.  67,  68. 


186  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

was  provided  with  its  own  peculiar  ministers  for 
the  service  of  the  deity  to  whom  it  was  consecrated. 
In  no  city  was  there  seen  such  a  concourse  of 
priests,  so  many  processions,  such  pomp  of  cere- 
monial, sacrifice,  and  religious  festivals.  Cholula 
was,  in  short,  what  Mecca  is  among  Mahometans, 
or  Jerusalem  among  Christians;  it  was  the  Holy 
City  of  Anahuac.^^  * 

The  religious  rites  were  not  performed,  how- 
ever, in  the  pure  spirit  originally  prescribed  by  its 
tutelary  deity.  His  altars,  as  well  as  those  of  the 
numerous  Aztec  gods,  were  stained  with  human 
blood;  and  six  thousand  victims  are  said  to  have 
been  annually  offered  up  at  their  sanguinary 
shrines!  ^^  The  great  number  of  these  may  be 
estimated  from  the  declaration  of  Cortes  that  he 
counted  four  hundred  towers  in  the  city;  ^^  yet  no 
temple  had  more  than  two,  many  only  one.  High 
above  the  rest  rose  the  great  "pyramid  of  Cho- 
lula," with  its  undying  fires  flinging  their  radiance 

"  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  3,  cap.  19.— Gomara,  Cronica, 
cap.  61. — Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  2. — Torquemada,  Mo- 
narch. Ind.,  ubi  supra. 

"  "  E  certifico  ^  Vuestra  Alteza,  que  yo  cont6  desde  una  Mezquita 
quatrocientas,  y  tantas  Torres  en  la  dicha  Ciudad,  y  todas  son  de 
Mezquitas."     Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  67. 

*  [Cholula  was  not  a  "  Holy  City "  or  pilgrim  resort  for  other 
tribes.  "  It  suffices  to  recall  the  state  of  intertribal  warfare  which  pre- 
vailed in  aboriginal  Mexico  to  establish  the  utter  fallacy  of  this  pre- 
tension. . . .  Even  the  preeminence  which  Quetzalcohuatl,  the  chief  idol 
of  Cholula,  is  said  to  have  enjoyed  over  the  whole  of  Central  Mexico  is 
vigorously  denied  by  the  Indians  of  Tlascala  and  of  the  Mexican 
valley  itself."  Cholula  was  a  great  mart  of  trade  and  crowds  flocked 
to  it  because  of  that  fact.  Outside  Indians  were  accustomed  to  bring 
presents  to  its  chief  idol.  See  Bandelier,  Arch.  Tour,  pp.  168,  169. 
-M.] 


1519]  MAGNIFICENT  PROSPECT  187 

far  and  wide  over  the  capital,  and  proclaiming  to 
the  nations  that  there  was  the  mystic  worship — 
alas!  how  corrupted  by  cruelty  and  superstition! 
— of  the  good  deity  who  was  one  day  to  return  and 
resume  his  empire  over  the  land. 

Xothing  could  be  more  grand  than  the  view 
which  met  the  eye  from  the  area  on  the  truncated 
summit  of  the  pyramid.  Towards  the  west 
stretched  that  bold  barrier  of  porphyritic  rock 
which  nature  has  reared  around  the  Valley  of 
Mexico,  with  the  huge  Popocatepetl  and  Iztacci- 
huatl  standing  like  two  colossal  sentinels  to  guard 
the  entrance  to  the  enchanted  region.  Far  away 
to  the  east  was  seen  the  conical  head  of  Orizaba 
soaring  high  into  the  clouds  and  nearer,  the  bar- 
ren though  beautifully-shaped  Sierra  de  la  i\Ia- 
linche,  throwing  its  broad  shadows  over  the  plains 
of  Tlascala.  Three  of  these  are  volcanoes  higher 
than  the  highest  mountain-peak  in  Europe,  and 
shrouded  in  snows  which  never  melt  under  the 
fierce  sun  of  the  tropics.  At  the  foot  of  the  spec- 
tator* lay  the  sacred  city  of  Cholula,  with  its  bright 
towers  and  pinnacles  sparkling  in  the  sun,  repos- 
ing amidst  gardens  and  verdant  groves,  which  then 
thickly  studded  the  cultivated  environs  of  the  capi- 

*  [Bandelier  (Gilded  Man,  p.  259)  shows  that  the  spectator  who 
stood  on  the  "  truncated  summit  of  the  pyramid  "  was  standing  upon 
a  structure  which  had  long  been  in  ruins,  and  which  was  covered 
with  bushes  when  Cortes  passed  through  the  country.  On  the  sum- 
mit was  a  "  little  ancient  temple."  There  was  no  trace  of  a  large 
building,  and  the  pyramid  looked  so  much  like  a  wooded  hill  that  the 
Conquerors  regarded  it  as  a  natural  elevation.  No  pinnacles  sparkled 
in  the  sun,  because  the  architecture  of  the  natives  did  not  include 
those  features.  The  houses  were  for  the  most  part  only  one  story 
high,  and  were  whitewashed, — M.] 


188  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

tal.  Such  was  the  magnificent  prospect  which  met 
the  gaze  of  the  Conquerors,  and  may  still,  with 
slight  change,  meet  that  of  the  modern  traveller, 
as  from  the  platform  of  the  great  pyramid  his  eye 
wanders  over  the  fairest  portion  of  the  beautiful 
plateau  of  Puebla.^^ 

But  it  is  time  to  return  to  Tlascala.  On  the  ap- 
pointed morning  the  Spanish  army  took  up  its 
march  to  Mexico  by  the  way  of  Cholula.  It  was 
followed  by  crowds  of  the  citizens,  filled  with  ad- 
miration at  the  intrepidity  of  men  who,  so  few  in 
number,  would  venture  to  brave  the  great  JNIonte- 
zuma  in  his  capital.  Yet  an  immense  body  of 
warriors  offered  to  share  the  dangers  of  the  expe- 
dition; but  Cortes,  while  he  showed  his  gratitude 
for  their  good  will,  selected  only  six  thousand  of 
the  volunteers  to  bear  him  company.^  "^     He  was 

"  The  city  of  Puebia  de  los  Angeles  was  founded  by  the  Spaniards 
soon  after  the  Conquest,  on  the  site  of  an  insignificant  village  in  the 
territory  of  Cholula,  a  few  miles  to  the  east  of  that  capital.  It  is, 
perhaps,  the  most  considerable  city  in  New  Spain,  after  Mexico  itself, 
which  it  rivals  in  beauty.  It  seems  to  have  inherited  the  religious 
preeminence  of  the  ancient  Cholula,  being  distinguished,  like  her,  for 
the  number  and  splendor  of  its  churches,  the  multitude  of  its  clergj', 
and  the  magnificence  of  its  ceremonies  and  festivals.  These  are  fully 
displayed  in  the  pages  of  travellers  who  have  passed  through  the 
place  on  the  usual  route  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  capital.  (See,  in 
particular,  Bullock's  Mexico,  vol.  i.  chap.  6.)  The  environs  of  Cho- 
lula, still  irrigated  as  in  the  days  of  the  Aztecs,  are  equally  remark- 
able for  the  fruitfulness  of  the  soil.  The  best  wheat-lands,  according 
to  a  very  respectable  authority,  yield  in  the  proportion  of  eighty 
for  one.  Ward's  Mexico,  vol.  ii.  p.  270.— See,  also,  Humboldt,  Essai 
politique,  tom.  ii.  p.  158;  tom.  iv.  p.  330. 

"  According  to  Cortes,  a  hundred  thousand  men  offered  their  ser- 
vices on  this  occasion !  "  And  although  I  forbade  it,  and  requested 
that  they  would  not  go,  since  there  was  no  necessity  for  it,  yet  I  was 
followed  by  as  many  as  a  hundred  thousand  men  well  fitted  for  war, 
who  came  with  me  to  the  distance  of  nearly  two  leagues  from  the 
city,  and  then  through  my  pressing  importunities  were  induced  to 


1519]  MARCH  TO  CHOLULA  189 

unwilling  to  encumber  himself  with  an  unwieldy 
force  that  might  impede  his  movements,  and 
probably  did  not  care  to  put  himself  so  far  in  the 
power  of  allies  whose  attachment  was  too  recent 
to  afford  sufficient  guarantee  for  their  fidelity. 

After  crossing  some  rough  and  hilly  ground,  the 
army  entered  on  the  wide  plain  which  spreads  out 
for  miles  around  Cholula.  At  the  elevation  of 
more  than  six  thousand  feet  above  the  sea,  they 
beheld  the  rich  products  of  various  climes  growing 
side  by  side,  fields  of  towering  maize,  the  juicy 
aloe,  the  chilli  or  Aztec  pepper,  and  large  planta- 
tions of  the  cactus,  on  which  the  brilliant  cochineal 
is  nourished.  Not  a  rood  of  land  but  was  under 
cultivation;^^  and  the  soil — an  uncommon  thing 
on  the  table-land — was  irrigated  by  numerous 
streams  and  canals,  and  well  shaded  by  woods,  that 
have  disappeared  before  the  rude  axe  of  the  Span- 
iards. Towards  evening  they  reached  a  small 
stream,  on  the  banks  of  which  Cortes  determined 
to  take  up  his  quarters  for  the  night,  being  un- 
willing to  disturb  the  tranquillity  of  the  city  by 
introducing  so  large  a  force  into  it  at  an  unseason- 
able hour. 

Here  he  was  soon  joined  by  a  number  of  Cho- 
lulan  caciques  and  their  attendants,  who  came  to 
view  and  welcome  the  strangers.    When  they  saw 

return,  with  the  exception  of  five  or  six  thousand,  who  continued 
in  my  company."  (Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  64.)  This,  which 
must  have  been  nearly  the  whole  fighting  force  of  the  republic,  does 
not  startle  Oviedo  (Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  cap.  4)  nor  Gomara,  Cro- 
nica,  cap.  58. 

'^  The  words  of  the  Conquistador  are  yet  stronger.  "  There  is  not 
a  hand's-breadth  of  land  that  is  not  cultivated."  Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lo- 
renzana, p.  67. 


190  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

their  Tlascalan  enemies  in  the  camp,  however,  they 
exhibited  signs  of  displeasure,  and  intimated  an 
apprehension  that  their  presence  in  the  town  might 
occasion  disorder.  The  remonstrance  seemed  rea- 
sonable to  Cortes,  and  he  accordingly  commanded 
his  allies  to  remain  in  their  present  quarters,  and 
to  join  him  as  he  left  the  city  on  the  way  to  Mexico. 
On  the  following  morning  he  made  his  entrance 
at  the  head  of  his  army  into  Cholula,  attended  by 
no  other  Indians  than  those  from  Cempoalla,  and 
a  handful  of  Tlascalans,  to  take  charge  of  the 
baggage.  His  allies,  at  parting,  gave  him  many 
cautions  respecting  the  people  he  was  to  visit,  who, 
while  they  affected  to  despise  them  as  a  nation  of 
traders,  employed  the  dangerous  arms  of  perfidy 
and  cunning.  As  the  troops  drew  near  the  city, 
the  road  was  lined  with  swarms  of  people  of  both 
sexes  and  every  age,  old  men  tottering  with  infir- 
mity, women  with  children  in  their  arms,  all  eager 
to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  strangers,  whose  per- 
sons, weapons,  and  horses  were  objects  of  intense 
curiosity  to  eyes  which  had  not  hitherto  ever  en- 
countered them  in  battle.  The  Spaniards,  in  turn, 
were  filled  with  admiration  at  the  aspect  of  the 
Cholulans,  much  superior  in  dress  and  general 
appearance  to  the  nations  they  had  hitherto  seen. 
They  were  particularly  struck  with  the  costume  of 
the  higher  classes,  who  wore  fine  embroidered  man- 
tles, resembling  the  graceful  alhornoz,  or  ^loorish 
cloak,  in  their  texture  and  fashion.^ '^    They  showed 

"  "  All  the  inhabitants  of  rank  wear,  besides  their  other  clothing, 
albornoces,  differing  from  those  of  Africa  inasmuch  as  they  have 
pockets,  but  ver_v  similar  in  form,  in  material,  and  in  the  bordering." 
Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  67. 


1519]      RECEPTION   OF  THE   SPANIARDS       191 

the  same  delicate  taste  for  flowers  as  the  other 
tribes  of  the  plateau,  decorating  their  persons  with 
them,  and  tossing  garlands  and  bunches  among  the 
soldiers.  An  immense  number  of  priests  mingled 
with  the  crowd,  swinging  their  aromatic  censers, 
while  music  from  various  kinds  of  instruments 
gave  a  lively  welcome  to  the  visitors,  and  made  the 
whole  scene  one  of  gay,  bewildering  enchantment. 
If  it  did  not  have  the  air  of  a  triumphal  procession 
so  much  as  at  Tlascala,  where  the  melody  of  instru- 
ments was  drowned  by  the  shouts  of  the  multitude, 
it  gave  a  quiet  assurance  of  hospitality  and  friendly 
feeling  not  less  grateful. 

The  Spaniards  were  also  struck  with  the  cleanli- 
ness of  the  city,  the  width  and  great  regularity  of 
the  streets,  which  seemed  to  have  been  laid  out  on 
a  settled  plan,  with  the  solidity  of  the  houses,  and 
the  number  and  size  of  the  pyramidal  temples.*  In 
the  court  of  one  of  these,  and  its  surrounding 
buildings,  they  were  quartered.^^ 

"Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  67.  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Cbich.,  MS.,  cap.  84.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  4. 
— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  82.— The  Spaniards  com- 
pared Cholula  to  the  beautiful  Valladolid,  according  to  Herrera, 
whose  description  of  the  entry  is  very  animated:  "  Salieronle  otro 
dia  A  recibir  mas  de  diez  mil  ciudadanos  en  diversas  tropas,  con 
rosas,  flores,  pan,  aves,  i  frutas,  i  mucha  miisica.  Llegaba  vn  esqua- 
dron  d  dar  la  bien  llegada  a  Hernando  Cortes,  i  con  buena  orden 
se  iba  apartando,  dando  lugar  a  que  otro  Ilegase.  .  .  .  En  llegando 

*  ["  According  to  tradition  Cortes  was  lodged  in  the  present  south- 
western quarter  of  the  city,  which  is  now  called  Santa  Maria  Tecpan, 
the  Tecpan  being  the  communal  house  where  strange  visitors  were 
received.  In  the  middle  of  the  quarter  there  still  stands,  in  the 
Calle-de-Herreros,  an  ancient  portal,  with  the  inscription  in  the  Na- 
huatl  language  and  Latin  letters,  '  Here  stood  the  Tecpan,  where  now 
is  the  house  of  Antonio  de  la  Cruz.' "  Bandelier,  Gilded  Man, 
p.  272.— M.] 


192  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

They  were  soon  visited  by  the  principal  lords  of 
the  place,  who  seemed  solicitous  to  provide  them 
with  accommodations.  Their  table  was  plentifully 
supplied,  and,  in  short,  they  experienced  such 
attentions  as  were  calculated  to  dissipate  their 
suspicions,  and  made  them  impute  those  of  their 
Tlascalan  friends  to  prejudice  and  old  national 
hostility. 

In  a  few  days  the  scene  changed.  JNIessengers 
arrived  from  Montezuma,  who,  after  a  short  and 
unpleasant  intimation  to  Cortes  that  his  approach 
occasioned  much  disquietude  to  their  master,  con- 
ferred separately  with  the  Mexican  ambassadors 
still  in  the  Castilian  camp,  and  then  departed,  tak- 
ing one  of  the  latter  along  with  them.  From  this 
time  the  deportment  of  their  Cholulan  hosts  under- 
went a  visible  alteration.  They  did  not  visit  the 
quarters  as  before,  and,  when  invited  to  do  so,  ex- 
cused themselves  on  pretence  of  illness.  The 
supply  of  provisions  was  stinted,  on  the  ground 
that  they  were  short  of  maize.  These  symptoms 
of  alienation,  independently  of  temporary  embar- 
rassment, caused  serious  alarm  in  the  breast  of 
Cortes,  for  the  future.  His  apprehensions  were 
not  allayed  by  the  reports  of  the  Cempoallans,  who 
told  him  that  in  wandering  round  the  city  they  had 

a  la  ciudad,  que  pareci6  mucho  a  los  Castellanos,  en  el  asiento,  i 
perspectiva,  a  Valladolid,  salio  la  demas  gente,  quedando  mui  es- 
pantada  de  ver  las  figuras,  talles,  i  armas  de  los  Castellanos.  Salie- 
ron  los  sacerdotes  con  vestiduras  blancas,  como  sobrepellices,  i  algunas 
cerradas  por  delante,  los  brac^os  defuera,  con  fluecos  de  algodon 
en  las  orillas.  Unos  llevaban  figuras  de  idolos  en  las  manos, 
otros  sahumerios;  otros  tocaban  cornetas,  alabalejos,  i  diversas 
miisicas,  i  todos  iban  cantando,  i  llegaban  a  encensar  a  los  Castel- 
lanos. Con  esta  pompa  entraron  en  Chulula."  Hist,  general,  dec. 
2,  lib.  7,  cap.  1. 


1519]  CONSPIRACY  DETECTED  193 

seen  several  streets  barricadoed,  the  azoteas,  or  flat 
roofs  of  the  houses,  loaded  with  huge  stones  and 
other  missiles,*  as  if  preparatory  to  an  assault,  and 
in  some  places  they  had  found  holes  covered  over 
with  branches,  and  upright  stakes  planted  within, 
as  if  to  embarrass  the  movements  of  the  cavalry. ^^ 
Some  Tlascalans  coming  in,  also,  from  their  camp, 
informed  the  general  that  a  great  sacrifice,  mostly 
of  children,  had  been  offered  up  in  a  distant  quar- 
ter of  the  town,  to  propitiate  the  favor  of  the  gods, 
apparently  for  some  intended  enterprise.  They 
added  that  they  had  seen  numbers  of  the  citizens 
leaving  the  city  with  their  women  and  children,  as 
if  to  remove  them  to  a  place  of  safety.  These  ti- 
dings confirmed  the  worst  suspicions  of  Cortes, 
who  had  no  doubt  that  some  hostile  scheme  was  in 
agitation.  If  he  had  felt  any,  a  discovery  by  Ma- 
rina, the  good  angel  of  the  expedition,  would  have 
turned  these  doubts  into  certainty. 

The  amiable  manners  of  the  Indian  girl  had  won 
her  the  regard  of  the  wife  of  one  of  the  caciques, 
who  repeatedly  urged  Marina  to  visit  her  house, 
darkly  intimating  that  in  this  way  she  would  escape 
the  fate  that  awaited  the  Spaniards.  The  inter- 
preter, seeing  the  importance  of  obtaining  further 

"  Cortes,  indeed,  noticed  these  same  alarming  appearances  on  his 
entering  the  city,  thus  suggesting  the  idea  of  a  premeditated  treach- 
ery. "  On  the  road  we  noticed  many  indications  such  as  the  natives 
of  this  province  had  told  us  of;  for  we  found  the  royal  road  barred 
up  and  another  opened,  and  some  holes  dug, — though  not  many,— and 
some  of  the  streets  of  the  city  barricadoed,  and  many  stones  upon  the 
roofs;  which  put  us  more  upon  our  guard  and  caused  us  to  exercise 
great  caution."    Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  64. 

*  [But  there  were  always  heaps  of  stones  and  other  missiles  kept  for 
defence  on  the  flat  roofs  of  the  houses  in  the  unwalled  cities. — M.] 


194(  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

intelligence  at  once,  pretended  to  be  pleased  with 
the  proposal,  and  affected,  at  the  same  time,  great 
discontent  with  the  white  men,  by  whom  she  was 
detained  in  captivity.  Thus  throwing  the  credu- 
lous Cholulan  off  her  guard,  Marina  gradually  in- 
sinuated herself  into  her  confidence,  so  far  as  to 
draw  from  her  a  full  account  of  the  conspiracy. 

It  originated,  she  said,  with  the  Aztec  emperor, 
who  had  sent  rich  bribes  to  the  great  caciques,  and 
to  her  husband  among  others,  to  secure  them  in  his 
views.  The  Spaniards  were  to  be  assaulted  as  they 
marched  out  of  the  capital,  when  entangled  in  its 
streets,  in  which  numerous  impediments  had  been 
placed  to  throw  the  cavalry  into  disorder.  A  force 
of  twenty  thousand  Mexicans  was  already  quar- 
tered at  no  great  distance  from  the  city,  to  support 
the  Cholulans  in  the  assault.  It  was  confidently 
expected  that  the  Spaniards,  thus  embarrassed  in 
their  movements,  would  fall  an  easy  prey  to  the 
superior  strength  of  their  enemy.  A  sufficient 
number  of  prisoners  was  to  be  reserved  to  grace  the 
sacrifices  of  Cholula;  the  rest  were  to  be  led  in 
fetters  to  the  capital  of  Montezuma. 

While  this  conversation  was  going  on,  Marina 
occupied  herself  with  putting  up  such  articles  of 
value  and  wearing  apparel  as  she  proposed  to  take 
with  her  in  the  evening,  when  she  could  escape  un- 
noticed from  the  Spanish  quarters  to  the  house  of 
her  Cholulan  friend,  who  assisted  her  in  the  opera- 
tion. Leaving  her  visitor  thus  employed,  Marina 
found  an  opportunity  to  steal  away  for  a  few  mo- 
ments, and,  going  to  the  general's  apartment,  dis- 
closed to  him  her  discoveries.     He  immediately 


1519]  CONSPIRACY   DETECTED  195 

caused  the  cacique's  wife  to  be  seized,  and,  on  ex- 
amination, she  fully  confirmed  the  statement  of  his 
Indian  mistress. 

The  intelligence  thus  gathered  by  Cortes  filled 
him  with  the  deepest  alarm.  He  was  fairly  taken 
in  the  snare.  To  fight  or  to  fly  seemed  equally 
difficult.  He  was  in  a  city  of  enemies,  where  every 
house  might  be  converted  into  a  fortress,  and  where 
such  embarrassments  were  thrown  in  the  way  as 
might  render  the  manoeuvres  of  his  artillery  and 
horse  nearly  impracticable.  In  addition  to  the  wily 
Cholulans,  he  must  cope,  under  all  these  disadvan- 
tages, with  the  redoubtable  warriors  of  Mexico. 
He  was  like  a  traveller  who  has  lost  his  way  in  the 
darkness  among  precipices,  where  any  step  may 
dash  him  to  pieces,  and  where  to  retreat  or  to  ad- 
vance is  equally  perilous. 

He  was  desirous  to  obtain  still  further  confir- 
mation and  particulars  of  the  conspiracy.  He  ac- 
cordingly induced  two  of  the  priests  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, one  of  them  a  person  of  much  influence  in 
the  place,  to  visit  his  quarters.  By  courteous  treat- 
ment, and  liberal  largesses  of  the  rich  presents  he 
had  received  from  Montezuma, — thus  turning  his 
own  gifts  against  the  giver, — he  drew  from  them 
a  full  confirmation  of  the  previous  report.  The 
emperor  had  been  in  a  state  of  pitiable  vacillation 
since  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards.  His  first  orders 
to  the  Cholulans  were  to  receive  the  strangers 
kindly.  He  had  recently  consulted  his  oracles 
anew,  and  obtained  for  answer  that  Cholula  would 
be  the  grave  of  his  enemies ;  for  the  gods  w^ould  be 
sure  to  support  him  in  avenging  the  sacrilege  of- 


196  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

fered  to  the  Holy  City.  So  confident  were  the 
Aztecs  of  success,  that  numerous  manacles,  or  poles 
with  thongs  which  served  as  such,  were  already  in 
the  place  to  secure  the  prisoners. 

Cortes,  now  feeling  himself  fully  possessed  of 
the  facts,  dismissed  the  priests,  with  injunctions  of 
secrecy,  scarcely  necessary.  He  told  them  it  was 
his  purpose  to  leave  the  city  on  the  following  morn- 
ing, and  requested  that  they  would  induce  some 
of  the  principal  caciques  to  grant  him  an  interview 
in  his  quarters.  He  then  summoned  a  council  of 
his  officers,  though,  as  it  seems,  already  determined 
as  to  the  course  he  was  to  take. 

The  members  of  the  council  were  differently 
affected  by  the  startling  intelligence,  according  to 
their  different  characters.  The  more  timid,  dis- 
heartened by  the  prospect  of  obstacles  which 
seemed  to  multiply  as  they  drew  nearer  the  Mexi- 
can capital,  were  for  retracing  their  steps  and  seek- 
ing shelter  in  the  friendly  city  of  Tlascala.  Others, 
more  persevering,  but  prudent,  were  for  taking  the 
more  northerly  route,  originally  recommended  by 
their  allies.  The  greater  part  supported  the  gen- 
eral, who  was  ever  of  opinion  that  they  had  no 
alternative  but  to  advance.  Retreat  would  be  ruin. 
Half-way  measures  were  scarcely  better,  and 
would  infer  a  timidity  which  must  discredit  them 
with  both  friend  and  foe.  Their  true  policy  was 
to  rely  on  themselves, — to  strike  such  a  blow  as 
should  intimidate  their  enemies  and  show  them  that 
the  Spaniards  were  as  incapable  of  being  circum- 
vented by  artifice  as  of  being  crushed  by  weight  of 
numbers  and  courage  in  the  open  field. 


1519]  CONSPIRACY  DETECTED  197 

When  the  caciques,  persuaded  by  the  priests,  ap- 
peared before  Cortes,  he  contented  himself  with 
gently  rebuking  their  want  of  hospitality,  and  as- 
sured them  the  Spaniards  would  be  no  longer  a 
burden  to  their  city,  as  he  proposed  to  leave  it  early 
on  the  following  morning.  He  requested,  more- 
over, that  they  would  furnish  a  reinforcement  of 
two  thousand  men  to  transport  his  artillery  and 
baggage.  The  chiefs,  after  some  consultation,  ac- 
quiesced in  a  demand  which  might  in  some  meas- 
ure favor  their  own  designs. 

On  their  departure,  the  general  summoned  the 
Aztec  ambassadors  before  him.  He  briefly  ac- 
quainted them  with  his  detection  of  the  treacherous 
plot  to  destroy  his  army,  the  contrivance  of  which, 
he  said,  was  imputed  to  their  master,  Montezuma. 
It  grieved  him  much,  he  added,  to  find  the  emperor 
implicated  in  so  nefarious  a  scheme,  and  that 
the  Spaniards  must  now  march  as  enemies  against 
the  prince  whom  they  had  hoped  to  visit  as  a 
friend. 

The  ambassadors,  with  earnest  protestations, 
asserted  their  entire  ignorance  of  the  conspiracy, 
and  their  belief  that  Montezuma  was  equally  inno- 
cent of  a  crime  which  they  charged  wholly  on  the 
Cholulans.  It  was  clearly  the  policy  of  Cortes 
to  keep  on  good  terms  with  the  Indian  monarch, 
to  profit  as  long  as  possible  by  his  good  offices,  and 
to  avail  himself  of  his  fancied  security— such  feel- 
ings of  security  as  the  general  could  inspire  him 
with — to  cover  his  own  future  operations.  He 
affected  to  give  credit,  therefore,  to  the  assertion 
of  the  envoys,  and  declared  his  unwillingness  to  be- 


198  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

lieve  that  a  monarch  who  had  rendered  the  Span- 
iards so  many  friendly  offices  would  now  consum- 
mate the  whole  by  a  deed  of  such  unparalleled 
baseness.  The  discovery  of  their  twofold  du- 
plicity, he  added,  sharpened  his  resentment  against 
the  Cholulans,  on  whom  he  would  take  such  ven- 
geance as  should  amply  requite  the  injuries  done 
both  to  MontezLmia  and  the  Spaniards.  He  then 
dismissed  the  ambassadors,  taking  care,  notwith- 
standing this  show  of  confidence,  to  place  a  strong 
guard  over  them,  to  prevent  communication  with 
the  citizens.^^ 

That  night  was  one  of  deep  anxiety  to  the  army. 
The  ground  they  stood  on  seemed  loosening  be- 
neath their  feet,  and  any  moment  might  be  the  one 
marked  for  their  destruction.  Their  vigilant  gen- 
eral took  all  possible  precautions  for  their  safety, 
increasing  the  number  of  the  sentinels,  and  posting 
his  guns  in  such  a  manner  as  to  protect  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  camp.  His  eyes,  it  may  well  be 
believed,  did  not  close  during  the  night.  Indeed, 
every  Spaniard  lay  down  in  his  arms,  and  every 
horse  stood  saddled  and  bridled,  ready  for  instant 
service.  But  no  assault  was  meditated  by  the  In- 
dians, and  the  stillness  of  the  hour  was  undisturbed 
except  by  the  occasional  sounds,  heard  in  a  popu- 
lous city,  even  when  buried  in  slumber,  and  by  the 
hoarse  cries  of  the  priests  from  the  turrets  of  the 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  83. — Gromara,  Cr6nica, 
cap.  59. — Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  65. — Torque- 
mada.  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  39.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  83,  cap.  4.— Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  !2.— Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  1. — Argensola,  Anales,  lib.  1, 
caps.   85. 


1519]  CONSPIRACY  DETECTED  199 

teocallis,  proclaiming  through  their  trumpets  the 
watches  of  the  night.^^ 

°  "  Las  horas  de  la  noche  las  regulaban  por  las  estrellas,  y  tocaban 
los  ministros  del  templo  que  estaban  destinados  para  este  fin,  ciertos 
instrumentos  como  vocinas,  con  que  hacian  conocer  al  pueblo  el 
tiempo."    Gama,  Descripcion,  Parte  1,  p.  14. 


CHAPTER  VII 

TERRIBLE  MASSACRE— TRANQUILLITY  RESTORED  — 
REFLECTIONS  ON  THE  MASSACRE— FURTHER  PRO- 
CEEDINGS—ENVOYS   FROM    MONTEZUMA 

1519 

WITH  the  first  streak  of  morning  light, 
Cortes  was  seen  on  horseback,  directing  the 
movements  of  his  Httle  band.  The  strength  of  his 
forces  he  drew  up  in  the  great  square  or  court,  sur- 
rounded partly  by  buildings,  as  before  noticed,  and 
in  part  by  a  high  wall.  There  were  three  gates  of 
entrance,  at  each  of  which  he  placed  a  strong 
guard.  The  rest  of  his  troops,  with  his  great  guns, 
he  posted  without  the  enclosure,  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  command  the  avenues  and  secure  those  within 
from  interruption  in  their  bloody  work.  Orders 
had  been  sent  the  night  before  to  the  Tlascalan 
chiefs  to  hold  themselves  ready,  at  a  concerted  sig- 
nal, to  march  into  the  city  and  join  the  Spaniards. 
The  arrangements  were  hardly  completed,  be- 
fore the  Cholulan  caciques  appeared,  leading  a 
body  of  levies,  tamanes,  even  more  numerous  than 
had  been  demanded.  They  were  marched  at  once 
into  the  square,  commanded,  as  we  have  seen,  by 
the  Spanish  infantry,  which  was  dra^vn  up  under 
the  walls.     Cortes  then  took  some  of  the  caciques 

200 


1519]  TERRIBLE  MASSACRE  201 

aside.  With  a  stern  air,  he  bluntly  charged  them 
with  the  conspiracy,  showing  that  he  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  all  the  particulars.  He  had  visited 
their  city,  he  said,  at  the  invitation  of  their  em- 
peror; had  come  as  a  friend;  had  respected  the  in- 
habitants and  their  property;  and,  to  avoid  all 
cause  of  umbrage,  had  left  a  great  part  of  his 
forces  without  the  walls.  They  had  received  him 
with  a  show  of  kindness  and  hospitality,  and,  re- 
posing on  this,  he  had  been  decoyed  into  the  snare, 
and  found  this  kindness  only  a  mask  to  cover  the 
blackest  perfidy. 

The  Cholulans  were  thunderstruck  at  the  ac- 
cusation. An  undefined  awe  crept  over  them  as 
they  gazed  on  the  mysterious  strangers  and  felt 
themselves  in  the  presence  of  beings  who  seemed 
to  have  the  power  of  reading  the  thoughts  scarcely 
formed  in  their  bosoms.  There  was  no  use  in  pre- 
varication or  denial  before  such  judges.  They 
confessed  the  whole,  and  endeavored  to  excuse 
themselves  by  throwing  the  blame  on  Montezuma. 
Cortes,  assuming  an  air  of  higher  indignation  at 
this,  assured  them  that  the  pretence  should  not 
serve,  since,  even  if  well  founded,  it  would  be  no 
justification;  and  he  would  now  make  such  an  ex- 
ample of  them  for  their  treachery  that  the  report 
of  it  should  ring  throughout  the  wide  borders  of 
Anahuac ! 

The  fatal  signal,  the  discharge  of  an  arquebuse, 
was  then  given.  In  an  instant  every  musket  and 
cross-bow  was  levelled  at  the  unfortunate  Cholu- 
lans in  the  courtyard,  and  a  frightful  volley  poured 
into  them  as  they  stood  crowded  together  like  a 


CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

herd  of  deer  in  the  centre.  They  were  taken  by 
surprise,  for  they  had  not  heard  the  preceding  dia- 
logue with  the  chiefs.  They  made  scarcely  any 
resistance  to  the  Spaniards,  who  followed  up  the 
discharge  of  their  pieces  by  rushing  on  them  with 
their  swords;  and,  as  the  half -naked  bodies  of  the 
natives  aiForded  no  protection,  they  hewed  them 
down  with  as  much  ease  as  the  reaper  mows  down 
the  ripe  corn  in  harvest-time.  Some  endeavored 
to  scale  the  walls,  but  only  afforded  a  surer  mark 
to  the  arquebusiers  and  archers.  Others  threw 
themselves  into  the  gateways,  but  were  received 
on  the  long  pikes  of  the  soldiers  who  guarded 
them.  Some  few  had  better  luck  in  hiding  them- 
selves under  the  heaps  of  slain  with  which  the 
ground  was  soon  loaded. 

While  this  work  of  death  was  going  on,  the 
countrymen  of  the  slaughtered  Indians,  drawn  to- 
gether by  the  noise  of  the  massacre,  had  com- 
menced a  furious  assault  on  the  Spaniards  from 
without.  But  Cortes  had  placed  his  battery  of 
heavy  guns  in  a  position  that  commanded  the  ave- 
nues, and  swept  off  the  files  of  the  assailants  as 
they  rushed  on.  In  the  intervals  between  the  dis- 
charges, which,  in  the  imperfect  state  of  the  science 
in  that  day,  were  much  longer  than  in  ours,  he 
forced  back  the  press  by  charging  with  the  horse 
into  the  midst.  The  steeds,  the  guns,  the  weapons 
of  the  Spaniards  were  all  new  to  the  Cholulans. 
Notwithstanding  the  novelty  of  the  terrific  spec- 
tacle, the  flash  of  fire-arms  mingling  with  the 
deafening  roar  of  the  artillery  as  its  thunders 
reverberated  among  the  buildings,  the  despairing 


1519]  TERRIBLE   MASSACRE  203 

Indians  pushed  on  to  take  the  places  of  their  fallen 
comrades. 

While  this  fierce  struggle  was  going  forward, 
the  Tlascalans,  hearing  the  concerted  signal,  had 
advanced  with  quick  pace  into  the  city.  They  had 
bound,  by  order  of  Cortes,  wreaths  of  sedge  round 
their  heads,  that  they  might  the  more  surely  be 
distinguished  from  the  Cholulans.^  Coming  up  in 
the  very  heat  of  the  engagement,  they  fell  on  the 
defenceless  rear  of  the  townsmen,  who,  trampled 
down  under  the  heels  of  the  Castilian  cavalry  on 
one  side,  and  galled  by  their  vindictive  enemies  on 
the  other,  could  no  longer  maintain  their  ground. 
They  gave  way,  some  taking  refuge  in  the  near- 
est buildings,  which,  being  partly  of  wood,  were 
speedily  set  on  fire.  Others  fled  to  the  temples. 
One  strong  party,  with  a  number  of  priests  at  its 
head,  got  possession  of  the  great  teocalli.  There 
was  a  vulgar  tradition,  already  alluded  to,  that  on 
removal  of  part  of  the  walls  the  god  would  send 
forth  an  inundation  to  overwhelm  his  enemies. 
The  superstitious  Cholulans  with  great  difficulty 
succeeded  in  wrenching  away  some  of  the  stones 
in  the  walls  of  the  edifice.  But  dust,  not  water, 
followed.  Their  false  god  deserted  them  in  the 
hour  of  need.  In  despair  they  flung  themselves 
into  the  wooden  turrets  that  crowned  the  temple, 
and  poured  down  stones,  javelins,  and  burning 

* "  Usdron  los  de  Tlaxcalla  de  un  aviso  muy  bueno  y  les  di6  Her- 
nando Cortes  porque  fueran  conocidos  y  no  morir  entre  los  enemi- 
gos  por  yerro,  porque  sus  armas  y  divisas  eran  casi  de  una  manera; 
.  .  .  y  ansi  se  pusieron  en  las  cabezas  unas  guirnaldas  de  esparto  a 
manera  de  torzales,  y  con  esto  eran  conocidos  los  de  nuestra  parciali- 
dad  que  no  fue  pequefio  aviso."    Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


204  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

arrows  on  the  Spaniards,  as  they  climbed  the  great 
staircase  which,  by  a  flight  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  steps,  scaled  the  face  of  the  pyramid.  But 
the  fiery  shower  fell  harmless  on  the  steel  bonnets 
of  the  Christians,  while  they  availed  themselves 
of  the  burning  shafts  to  set  fire  to  the  wooden  cita- 
del, which  was  speedily  wrapt  in  flames.  Still  the 
garrison  held  out,  and  though  quarter,  it  is  said, 
was  offered,  only  one  Cholulan  availed  himself  of 
it.  The  rest  threw  themselves  headlong  from  the 
parapet,  or  perished  miserably  in  the  flames.^ 

All  was  now  confusion  and  uproar  in  the  fair 
city  which  had  so  lately  reposed  in  security  and 
peace.  The  groans  of  the  dying,  the  frantic  sup- 
plications of  the  vanquished  for  mercy,  were  min- 
gled with  the  loud  battle-cries  of  the  Spaniards  as 
they  rode  down  their  enemy,  and  with  the  shrill 
whistle  of  the  Tlascalans,  who  gave  full  scope  to 
the  long-cherished  rancor  of  ancient  rivalry.  The 
tumult  was  still  further  swelled  by  the  incessant 
rattle  of  musketry,  and  the  crash  of  falling  tim- 
bers, which  sent  up  a  volume  of  flame  that  out- 
shone the  ruddy  light  of  morning,  making  alto- 
gether a  hideous  confusion  of  sights  and  sounds 
that  converted  the  Holy  City  into  a  Pandemonium. 
As  resistance  slackened,  the  victors  broke  into  the 
houses  and  sacred  places,  plundering  them  of  what- 
ever valuables  they  contained,  plate,  jewels,  which 
were  found  in  some  quantity,  wearing-apparel  and 

'Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  4,  45.— Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap. 
40.  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich,,  MS.,  cap.  84.— Gomara,  Crdnica, 
cap,  60. 


1519]  TRANQUILLITY  RESTORED  205 

provisions,  the  two  last  coveted  even  more  than 
the  former  by  the  simple  Tlascalans,  thus  facili- 
tating a  division  of  the  spoil  much  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  their  Christian  confederates.  Amidst  this 
universal  license,  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  the  com- 
mands of  Cortes  were  so  far  respected  that  no 
violence  was  offered  to  women  or  children,  though 
these,  as  well  as  numbers  of  the  men,  were  made 
prisoners  to  be  swept  into  slavery  by  the  Tlasca- 
lans.^ These  scenes  of  violence  had  lasted  some 
hours,  when  Cortes,  moved  by  the  entreaties  of 
some  Cholulan  chiefs  who  had  been  reserved  from 
the  massacre,  backed  by  the  prayers  of  the  Mexi- 
can envoys,  consented  out  of  regard,  as  he  said,  to 
the  latter,  the  representatives  of  Montezuma,  to 
call  oiF  the  soldiers,  and  put  a  stop,  as  well  as  he 
could,  to  further  outrage.*  Two  of  the  caciques 
were,  also,  permitted  to  go  to  their  countrymen 
with  assurances  of  pardon  and  protection  to  all 
who  would  return  to  their  obedience. 

These  measures  had  their  effect.  By  the  joint 
efforts  of  Cortes  and  the  caciques,  the  tumult 
was  with  much  difficulty  appeased.  The  assailants, 
Spaniards  and  Indians,  gathered  under  their  re- 

* "  They  killed  nearly  six  thousand  persons,  but  touched  neither 
women  nor  children,  for  so  it  had  been  ordered."  Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  2. 

*  [Andres  de  Tapia,  who  participated  in  the  massacre,  says  that 
the  work  of  destroying  the  city  ("el  trabajar  por  destruir  la  cib- 
dad")  went  on  for  two  days,  before  Cortes  gave  orders  for  it  to 
cease,  and  that  it  was  not  till  two  or  three  days  later  that  the  inhabi- 
tants, many  of  whom  had  fled  to  the  mountains  and  neighboring  ter- 
ritory, obtained  pardon  and  leave  to  return.  Col.  de  Doc.  para  la 
Hist,  de  Mexico,  publicada  por  Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  torn. 
u.-K.] 


206  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

spective  banners,  and  the  Cholulans,  relying  on  the 
assurance  of  their  chiefs,  gradually  returned  to 
their  homes. 

The  first  act  of  Cortes  was  to  prevail  on  the 
Tlascalan  chiefs  to  liberate  their  captives/  Such 
was  their  deference  to  the  Spanish  commander  that 
they  acquiesced,  though  not  without  murmurs, 
contenting  themselves,  as  best  they  could,  with 
the  rich  spoil  rifled  from  the  Cholulans,  consisting 
of  various  luxuries  long  since  unknown  in  Tlas- 
cala.  His  next  care  was  to  cleanse  the  city  from  its 
loathsome  impurities,  particularly  from  the  dead 
bodies  which  lay  festering  in  heaps  in  the  streets 
and  great  square.  The  general,  in  his  letter  to 
Charles  the  Fifth,  admits  three  thousand  slain, 
most  accounts  say  six,  and  some  swell  the  amount 
yet  higher.  As  the  eldest  and  principal  cacique 
was  among  the  number,  Cortes  assisted  the  Cho- 
lulans in  installing  a  successor  in  his  place.^  By 
these  pacific  measures  confidence  was  gradually  re- 
stored. The  people  in  the  environs,  reassured, 
flocked  into  the  capital  to  supply  the  place  of  the 
diminished  population.  The  markets  were  again 
opened ;  and  the  usual  avocations  of  an  orderlj^  in- 
dustrious community  were  resumed.  Still,  the 
long  piles  of  black  and  smouldering  ruins  pro- 
claimed the  hurricane  which  had  so  lately  swept 
over  the  city,  and  the  walls  surrounding  the  scene 

*Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  83.— IxtlilxochitI,  Hist. 
Chich.,  MS.,  ubi  supra. 

•Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  83.— The  descendants 
of  the  principal  Cholulan  cacique  are  living  at  this  day  in  Puebla, 
according  to  Bustaraante.  See  Gomara,  Cronica,  trad,  de  Chimalpain 
(Mexico,  1826),  torn.  i.  p.  98,  nota. 


1519]    REFLECTIONS   ON   THE   MASSACRE     207 

of  slaughter  in  the  great  square,  which  were 
standing  more  than  fifty  years  after  the  event,  told 
the  sad  tale  of  the  Massacre  of  Cholula.^ 

This  passage  in  their  history  is  one  of  those  that 
have  left  a  dark  stain  on  the  memory  of  the  Con- 
querors. Nor  can  we  contemplate  at  this  day, 
without  a  shudder,  the  condition  of  this  fair  and 
flourishing  capital  thus  invaded  in  its  privacy  and 
delivered  over  to  the  excesses  of  a  rude  and  ruth- 

'  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  66.— Camargo,  Hist,  de 
Tlascala,  MS.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  84.  — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  4,  45.— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  83.— Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  60.— Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva- 
Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  11.— Las  Casas,  in  his  printed  treatise 
on  the  Destruction  of  the  Indies,  garnishes  his  account  of  these  trans- 
actions with  some  additional  and  rather  startling  particulars.  Ac- 
cording to  him,  Cortes  caused  a  hundred  or  more  of  the  caciques 
to  be  impaled  or  roasted  at  the  stake !  He  adds  the  report  that,  while 
the  massacre  in  the  court-yard  was  going  on,  the  Spanish  general 
repeated  a  scrap  of  an  old  romance,  describing  Nero  as  rejoicing 
over  the  burning  ruins  of  Rome: 

"  Mira  Nero  de  Tarpeya, 

A  Roma  como  se  ardia. 

Gritos  dan  ninos  y  viejos, 

Y  ^1  de  nada  se  dolia." 

(Brevisima  Relacion,  p.  46.) 
This  is  the  first  instance,  I  suspect,  on  record  of  any  person  being 
ambitious  of  finding  a  parallel  for  himself  in  that  emperor!  Bernal 
Diaz,  who  had  seen  "  the  interminable  narrative,"  as  he  calls  it,  of 
Las  Casas,  treats  it  with  great  contempt.  His  own  version— one  of 
those  chiefly  followed  in  the  text— was  corroborated  by  the  report  of 
the  missionaries,  who  after  the  Conquest,  visited  Cholula,  and  inves- 
tigated the  aifair  with  the  aid  of  the  priests  and  several  old  survivors 
who  had  witnessed  it.  It  is  confirmed  in  its  substantial  details  by  the 
other  contemporary  accounts.  The  excellent  Bishop  of  Chiapa  wrote 
with  the  avowed  object  of  moving  the  sjTnpathies  of  his  countrymen 
in  behalf  of  the  oppressed  natives;  a  generous  object,  certainlj^,  but 
one  that  has  too  often  warped  his  judgment  from  the  strict  line  of 
historic  impartiality.  He  was  not  an  eye-witness  of  the  transactions 
in  New  Spain,  and  was  much  too  willing  to  receive  whatever  would 
make  for  his  case,  and  to  "  over-red,"  if  I  may  so  say,  his  argument 
with  such  details  of  blood  and  slaughter  as,  from  their  very  extrava- 
gance, carry  their  own  refutation  with  them. 


208  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

less  soldiery.  But,  to  judge  the  action  fairly,  we 
must  transport  ourselves  to  the  age  when  it  hap- 
pened. The  difficulty  that  meets  us  in  the  outset 
is,  to  find  a  justification  of  the  right  of  conquest, 
at  all.  But  it  should  be  remembered  that  religious 
infidelity,  at  this  period,  and  till  a  much  later,  was 
regarded — no  matter  whether  founded  on  igno- 
rance or  education,  whether  hereditary  or  acquired, 
heretical  or  pagan — as  a  sin  to  be  punished  with 
fire  and  fagot  in  this  world,  and  eternal  suffering 
in  the  next.  This  doctrine,  monstrous  as  it  is,  was 
the  creed  of  the  Romish,  in  other  words,  of  the 
Christian  Church, — the  basis  of  the  Inquisition, 
and  of  those  other  species  of  religious  persecutions 
which  have  stained  the  annals,  at  some  time  or 
other,  of  nearly  every  nation  in  Christendom.^ 
Under  this  code,  the  territory  of  the  heathen,  wher- 
ever found,  was  regarded  as  a  sort  of  religious 

^  For  an  illustration  of  the  above  remark  the  reader  is  referred  to 
the  closing  pages  of  chap.  7,  Part  II.,  of  the  "  History  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,"  where  I  have  taken  some  pains  to  show  how  deep- 
settled  were  these  convictions  in  Spain  at  the  period  with  which  we 
are  now  occupied.  The  world  has  gained  little  in  liberality  since 
the  age  of  Dante,  who  could  coolly  dispose  of  the  great  and  good  of 
antiquity  in  one  of  the  circles  of  Hell  because — no  fault  of  theirs, 
certainly — they  had  come  into  the  world  too  soon.  The  memorable 
verses,  like  many  others  of  the  immortal  bard,  are  a  proof  at  once  of 
the  strength  and  weakness  of  the  human  understanding.  They  may 
be  cited  as  a  fair  exponent  of  the  popular  feeling  at  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century: 

"  Ch'  ei  non  peccaro,  e,  s'egli  hanno  mercedi, 

Non  basta,  perche  7ion  ebber  battesmo, 

Ch'  e  parte  della  fede  che  tu  credi. 
E,  se  furon  dinanzi  al  Crislianesmo, 

Non  adorar  debitamente  Dio; 

E  di  questi  cotai  son  io  medesmo 
Per  tai  difetti,  e  non  per  altro  rio, 

Semo  perduti,  e  sol  di  tanto  offiesi 

Che  sanza  speme  vivemo  in  disio." 

Inferso,  canto  4. 


1519]    REFLECTIONS  ON  THE  MASSACRE      209 

waif,  which,  in  default  of  a  legal  proprietor,  was 
claimed  and  taken  possession  of  by  the  Holy  See, 
and  as  such  was  freely  given  away  by  the  head  of 
the  Church,  to  any  temporal  potentate  whom  he 
pleased,  that  would  assume  the  burden  of  con- 
quest.^ Thus,  Alexander  the  Sixth  generously 
granted  a  large  portion  of  the  Western  hemi- 
sphere to  the  Spaniards,  and  of  the  Eastern  to  the 
Portuguese.  These  lofty  pretensions  of  the  suc- 
cessors of  the  humble  fisherman  of  Galilee,  far 
from  being  nominal,  were  acknowledged  and  ap- 
pealed to  as  conclusive  in  controversies  between 
nations.^ 

With  the  right  of  conquest,  thus  conferred,  came 
also  the  obligation,  on  which  it  may  be  said  to  have 
been  founded,  to  retrieve  the  nations  sitting  in 
darkness  from  eternal  perdition.  This  obligation 
was  acknowledged  by  the  best  and  the  bravest,  the 
gownsman  in  his  closet,  the  missionary,  and  the 
warrior  in  the  crusade.     However  much  it  may 

*  It  is  in  the  same  spirit  tiiat  the  laws  of  Oleron,  the  maritime  code 
of  so  high  authority  in  the  Middle  Ages,  abandon  the  property  of  the 
infidel,  in  common  with  that  of  pirates,  as  fair  spoil  to  the  true 
believer !  "  S'ilz  sont  pyrates,  pilleurs,  ou  escumeurs  de  mer,  ou 
Turcs,  et  autres  contraires  et  ennemis  de  nostredicte  foy  catholicque, 
chascun  peut  prendre  sur  telles  manieres  de  gens,  comme  sur  chiens, 
si  peut  Von  les  desrobber  et  spoiler  de  leurs  biens  sans  pugnition. 
C'est  le  jugement."  Jugemens  d'Oleron,  Art.  45,  ap.  Collection  de 
Lois  maritimes,  par  J.  M.  Pardessus  (ed.  Paris,  1828),  torn.  i. 
p.  351. 

'  The  famous  bull  of  partition  became  the  basis  of  the  treaty  of 
Tordesillas,  by  which  the  Castilian  and  Portuguese  governments  de- 
termined the  boundary  line  of  their  respective  discoveries;  a  line  that 
secured  the  vast  empire  of  Brazil  to  the  latter,  which  from  priority 
of  occupation  should  have  belonged  to  their  rivals.  See  the  "  History 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,"  Part  I.  chap.  18;  Part  II.  chap.  9,— the 
closing  pages  of  each. 


210  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

have  been  debased  by  temporal  motives  and  mixed 
up  with  worldly  considerations  of  ambition  and 
avarice,  it  was  still  active  in  the  mind  of  the  Chris- 
tian conqueror.  We  have  seen  how  far  paramount 
it  was  to  every  calculation  of  personal  interest  in 
the  breast  of  Cortes.  The  concession  of  the  Pope, 
then,  founded  on,  and  enforcing,  the  imperative 
duty  of  conversion,^  ^  was  the  assumed  basis — and, 
in  the  apprehension  of  that  age,  a  sound  one— of 
the  right  of  conquest.^  ^ 

'"  It  is  the  condition,  unequivocally  expressed  and  reiterated,  on 
which  Alexander  VI.,  in  his  famous  bulls  of  May  3d  and  4th,  1493, 
conveys  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  full  and  absolute  right  over  all 
such  territories  in  the  Western  World  as  may  not  have  been  pre- 
viously occupied  by  Christian  princes.  See  these  precious  documents 
in  extenso,  apud  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  los  Viages  y  Descubri- 
mientos  (Madrid,  1825),  torn.  ii.  Nos.  17,  18. 

"  The  ground  on  which  Protestant  nations  assert  a  natural  right  to 
the  fruits  of  their  discoveries  in  the  New  World  is  very  different. 
They  consider  that  the  earth  was  intended  for  cultivation,  and  that 
Providence  never  designed  that  hordes  of  wandering  savages  should 
hold  a  territory  far  more  than  necessary  for  their  own  maintenance, 
to  the  exclusion  of  civilized  man.  Yet  it  may  be  thought,  as  far  as 
improvement  of  the  soil  is  concerned,  that  this  argument  would  afford 
us  but  an  indifferent  tenure  for  much  of  our  own  unoccupied  and  un- 
cultivated territory,  far  exceeding  what  is  demanded  for  our  present 
or  prospective  support.  As  to  a  right  founded  on  difference  of  ci\'il- 
ization,  this  is  obviously  a  still  more  uncertain  criterion.  It  is  to  the 
credit  of  our  Puritan  ancestors  that  they  did  not  avail  themselves  of 
any  such  interpretation  of  the  law  of  nature,  and  still  less  relied  on 
the  powers  conceded  by  King  James's  patent,  asserting  rights  as  abso- 
lute, nearly,  as  those  claimed  by  the  Roman  See.  On  the  contrary, 
they  established  their  title  to  the  soil  by  fair  purchase  of  the  abo- 
rigines; thus  forming  an  honorable  contrast  to  the  policy  pursued 
by  too  many  of  the  settlers  on  the  American  continents.  It  should 
be  remarked  that,  whatever  difference  of  opinion  may  have  subsisted 
between  the  Roman  Catholic — or  rather  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
— nations  and  the  rest  of  Europe,  in  regard  to  the  true  foundation 
of  their  titles  in  a  moral  view,  they  have  always  been  content,  in  their 
controversies  with  one  another,  to  rest  them  exclusively  on  priority 
of  discovery.  For  a  brief  view  of  the  discussion,  see  Vattel  (Droit 
des  Gens,  sec.  209),  and  especially  Kent  (Commentaries  on  American 


1519]    REFLECTIONS   ON   THE   MASSACRE      211 

This  right  could  not,  indeed,  be  construed  to 
authorize  any  unnecessary  act  of  violence  to  the 
natives.  The  present  expedition,  up  to  the  period 
of  its  histor/  at  which  we  are  now  arrived,  had 
probably  been  stained  with  fewer  of  such  acts  than 
almost  any  similar  enterprise  of  the  Spanish  dis- 
coverers in  the  New  World.  Throughout  the  cam- 
paigns, Cortes  had  prohibited  all  wanton  injuries 
to  the  natives  in  person  or  property,  and  had  pun- 
ished the  perpetrators  of  them  with  exemplary 
severity.  He  had  been  faithful  to  his  friends,  and, 
with  perhaps  a  single  exception,  not  unmerciful 
to  his  foes.  Whether  from  policy  or  principle,  it 
should  be  recorded  to  his  credit ;  though,  like  every 
sagacious  mind,  he  may  have  felt  that  principle 
and  policy  go  together. 

He  had  entered  Cholula  as  a  friend,  at  the  invi- 
tation of  the  Indian  emperor,  who  had  a  real,  if  not 
avowed,  control  over  the  state.  He  had  been  re- 
ceived as  a  friend,  with  every  demonstration  of 
good  will;  when,  without  any  oiFence  of  his  own 
or  his  followers,  he  found  they  were  to  be  the  vic- 
tims of  an  insidious  plot, — that  they  were  standing 
on  a  mine  which  might  be  sprung  at  any  moment 
and  bury  them  all  in  its  ruins.    His  safety,  as  he 

Law,  vol.  iii.  lee.  51),  where  it  is  handled  with  much  perspicuity  and 
eloquence.  The  argument,  as  founded  on  the  law  of  nations,  may  be 
found  in  the  celebrated  case  of  Johnson  v.  Mcintosh.  (Wheaton, 
Reports  of  Cases  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  vol.  iii. 
p.  543,  et  seq.)  If  it  were  not  treating  a  grave  discussion  too  lightly, 
I  should  crave  leave  to  refer  the  reader  to  the  renowned  Diedrich 
Knickerbocker's  History  of  New  York  (book  I,  chap.  5)  for  a  lu- 
minous disquisition  on  this  knotty  question.  At  all  events,  he  will 
find  there  the  popular  arguments  subjected  to  the  test  of  ridicule; 
a  test  showing,  more  than  any  reasoning  can,  how  much,  or  rather  how 
little,  they  are  really  worth. 


212  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

truly  considered,  left  no  alternative  but  to  antici- 
pate the  blow  of  his  enemies.  Yet  who  can  doubt 
that  the  punishment  thus  inflicted  was  excessive, 
— that  the  same  end  might  have  been  attained  by- 
directing  the  blow  against  the  guilty  chiefs,  instead 
of  letting  it  fall  on  the  ignorant  rabble  who  but 
obeyed  the  commands  of  their  masters  ?  But  when 
was  it  ever  seen  that  fear,  armed  with  power,  was 
scrupulous  in  the  exercise  of  it?  or  that  the  passions 
of  a  fierce  soldiery,  inflamed  by  conscious  injuries, 
could  be  regulated  in  the  moment  of  explosion  ? 

We  shall,  perhaps,  pronounce  more  impartially 
on  the  conduct  of  the  Conquerors  if  we  compare 
it  with  that  of  our  own  contemporaries  under  some- 
what similar  circumstances.  The  atrocities  at 
Cholula  were  not  so  bad  as  those  inflicted  on  the 
descendants  of  these  very  Spaniards,  in  the  late 
war  of  the  Peninsula,  by  the  most  polished  nations 
of  our  time;  by  the  British  at  Badajoz,  for  exam- 
ple,— at  Tarragona,  and  a  hundred  other  places, 
by  the  French.  The  wanton  butchery,  the  ruin  of 
property,  and,  above  all,  those  outrages  worse  than 
death,  from  which  the  female  part  of  the  popula- 
tion were  protected  at  Cholula,  show  a  catalogue  of 
enormities  quite  as  black  as  those  imputed  to  the 
Spaniards,  and  without  the  same  apology  for  re- 
sentment,— with  no  apology,  indeed,  but  that  af- 
forded by  a  brave  and  patriotic  resistance.  The 
consideration  of  these  events,  which,  from  their 
familiarity,  make  little  impression  on  our  senses, 
should  render  us  more  lenient  in  our  judgments  of 
the  past,  showing,  as  they  do,  that  man  in  a  state 
of  excitement,  savage  or  civilized,  is  much  the  same 


1519]    REPXECTIONS   ON  THE  MASSACRE      213 

in  every  age.  It  may  teach  us— it  is  one  of  the 
best  lessons  of  history — that,  since  such  are  the 
inevitable  evils  of  war,  even  among  the  most  pol- 
ished people,  those  who  hold  the  destinies  of  na- 
tions in  their  hands,  whether  rulers  or  legislators, 
should  submit  to  every  sacrifice,  save  that  of  honor, 
before  authorizing  an  appeal  to  arms.  The  ex- 
treme sohcitude  to  avoid  these  calamities,  by  the  aid 
of  peaceful  congresses  and  impartial  mediation, 
is,  on  the  whole,  the  strongest  evidence,  stronger 
than  that  afforded  by  the  progress  of  science  and 
art,  of  our  boasted  advance  in  civilization. 

It  is  far  from  my  intention  to  vindicate  the  cruel 
deeds  of  the  old  Conquerors.  Let  them  lie  heavy 
on  their  heads.  They  were  an  iron  race,  who  per- 
illed life  and  fortune  in  the  cause;  and,  as  they 
made  little  account  of  danger  and  suiFering  for 
themselves,  they  had  little  sympathy  to  spare  for 
their  unfortunate  enemies.  But,  to  judge  them 
fairly,  we  must  not  do  it  by  the  lights  of  our  own 
age.  We  must  carry  ourselves  back  to  theirs,  and 
take  the  point  of  view  afforded  by  the  civilization 
of  their  time.  Thus  only  can  we  arrive  at  impar- 
tial criticism  in  reviewing  the  generations  that  are 
past.  We  must  extend  to  them  the  same  justice 
which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  ask  from  posterity, 
when,  by  the  light  of  a  higher  civilization,  it  sur- 
veys the  dark  or  doubtful  passages  in  our  own 
history,  which  hardly  arrest  the  eye  of  the  contem- 
porary.* 

•[The  "massacre"  at  Cholula  iros  a  military  necessity  to  one 
warring  as  Cortds  was.  Having  discovered  the  existence  of  a  plot 
to  exterminate  his  forces,  he  simply  struck  first.    The  Cholulans  had 


214  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

But,  whatever  be  thought  of  this  transaction  in 
a  moral  view,  as  a  stroke  of  policy  it  was  unques- 

taken  measures  to  annihilate  the  invaders,  which  must  have  proved 
successful  against  ordinary  foes.  Not  only  the  Spanish  historians 
but  the  native  chroniclers  testify  to  this  fact.  The  Mexican  story 
is  told  in  the  Indian  paintings  still  preserved  at  San  Juan  Cuauht- 
lautzinco.  The  Cholulans  did  not  regard  the  Spaniards  as  gods. 
They  went  to  work  to  trap  them  and  starve  them  like  ordinary  hu- 
man beings.  They  cut  off  their  supplies.  They  shut  them  up  in 
the  great  Tecpan.  The  Tlascalans  knew  all  the  while  that  treachery 
was  planned.  They  knew  also  (what  the  Spaniards  did  not  know, 
because  of  their  ignorance  of  Indian  governmental  institutions) 
that  any  oaths  the  Cholulan  chiefs  might  take  would  be  binding  upon 
the  tribe  only  if  the  tribe  had  commissioned  its  representatives  to 
take  them.  The  embassy  was  only  a  decoJ^  The  Spaniards  thought 
that  the  perfuming  with  incense  indicated  submission  to  themselves. 
They  did  not  know  that  prisoners  of  war,  destined  for  sacrifice,  were 
perfumed  in  the  same  way.  But  the  slaughter  could  not  have  been 
by  any  means  as  great  as  is  ordinarily  supposed.  In  the  first  place, 
there  were  not  as  many  inhabitants  in  the  city  as  Cortes  imagined; 
and,  in  the  second  place,  three  of  the  wards  of  the  city  were  not  in- 
volved either  in  the  plot  or  the  killing.  The  great  crowd  which 
attended  the  Spaniards  as  they  passed  through  the  streets  was  al- 
ways the  same  crowd.  It  made  a  prodigious  noise,  and  the  invaders 
naturally  imagined  it  to  betoken  an  immense  population.  But  Ban- 
delier's  estimate  of  30,000  inhabitants  is  probably  correct.  Cortes, 
in  his  first  report,  writes,  with  apparent  complacency,  that  "  3000 
murieron  en  dos  boras."  This  would  imply  a  most  astounding  kill- 
ing capacity  on  the  part  of  the  less  than  500  Spaniards  and  their 
allies.  The  fire-arms  of  course  made  awful  havoc,  yet  we  must  re- 
member that  it  was  a  matter  of  time  to  load  and  fire  the  muskets 
and  cannons  of  that  age.  No  women  and  children  were  killed,  not 
only  because  the  soldiers  were  ordered  to  spare  all  women  and 
children,  but  also  because  all  non-combatants  had  been  sent  away 
some  time  before.  Armed  men  fought  and  killed  armed  men. 
Moreover,  the  Tlascalan  allies  were  more  eager  to  plunder  and  to 
capture  prisoners  than  to  kill.  Bandelier,  recalling  the  fact  that  the 
battle  was  fought  on  a  space  not  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  length, 
questions  whether  more  than  five  hundred  men  fell.  His  estimate 
is  probably  too  small.  The  killing  was  stopped  by  Cortes  five  hours 
after  the  first  shot  was  fired.  Andres  de  Tapia,  who  wrote  some 
time  after  the  affair,  says  the  pillaging,  etc.,  went  on  for  two  days. 
Bernal  Diaz,  writing  fifty  years  afterward,  says  it  ended  the  second 
day.  But  Cortes,  writing  the  next  year,  says  the  place  was  full  of 
women  and  children  the  next  day.  The  "  smoking  ruins "  must  be 
dismissed  as  a  creation  of  the  imagination.     Adobe  and  stone  walls. 


1519]  FURTHER  PROCEEDINGS  215 

tionable.  The  nations  of  Anahuac  had  beheld, 
with  admiration  mingled  with  awe,  the  little  band 
of  Christian  warriors  steadily  advancing  along  the 
plateau  in  face  of  every  obstacle,  overturning 
army  after  army  with  as  much  ease,  apparently,  as 
the  good  ship  throws  off  the  angr}^  billows  from 
her  bows,  or  rather  like  the  lava,  which,  rolling 
from  their  own  volcanoes,  holds  on  its  course  un- 
checked by  obstacles,  rock,  tree,  or  building,  bear- 
ing them  along,  or  crushing  and  consuming  them 
in  its  fiery  path.  The  prowess  of  the  Spaniards 
— "  the  white  gods,"  as  they  were  often  called  ^^ — 
made  them  to  be  thought  invincible.  But  it  was 
not  till  their  arrival  at  Cholula  that  the  natives 
learned  how  terrible  was  their  vengeance ;  and  they 
trembled ! 

None  trembled  more  than  the  Aztec  emperor  on 
his  throne  among  the  mountains.  He  read  in  these 
events  the  dark  characters  traced  by  the  finger  of 
Destiny.^ ^    He  felt  his  empire  melting  away  like 

"Los  Dioses  blancos. — Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. — Torque- 
mada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  40. 

"  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  11. — In  an 
old  Aztec  harangue,  made  as  a  matter  of  form  on  the  accession  of  a 
prince,  we  find  the  following  remarkable  prediction:  "  Perhaps  ye  are 
dismayed  at  the  prospect  of  the  terrible  calamities  that  are  one  day 
to  overwhelm  us,  calamities  foreseen  and  foretold,  though  not  felt, 
by  our  fathers!  .  .  .  when  the  destruction  and  desolation  of  the 
empire  shall  come,  when  all  shall  be  plunged  in  darkness,  when  the 


and  roof  timbers  covered  with  a  thick  coating  of  earth,  do  not  af- 
ford good  material  for  a  conflagration.  The  20,000  warriors  from 
Mexico  mentioned  on  p.  194  could  not  have  been  present.  It  would 
have  been  impossible  for  so  large  a  body  to  have  been  sent  from 
that  city,  and  Cort6s  would  have  learned  of  its  approach,  through 
his  Tlascalan  allies,  long  before.  Bandelier  treats  the  massacre 
very  lucidly  in  his  "  Gilded  Man,"  pp.  258-283.— M.] 


216  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

a  morning  mist.  He  might  well  feel  so.  Some  of 
the  most  important  cities  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Cholula,  intimidated  by  the  fate  of  that  capital, 
now  sent  their  envoys  to  the  Castilian  camp,  ten- 
dering their  allegiance,  and  propitiating  the  favor 
of  the  strangers  by  rich  presents  of  gold  and 
slaves.^  ^  Montezuma,  alarmed  at  these  signs  of 
defection,  took  counsel  again  of  his  impotent  dei- 
ties; but,  although  the  altars  smoked  with  fresh 
hecatombs  of  human  victims,  he  obtained  no  cheer- 
ing response.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  send 
another  embassy  to  the  Spaniards,  disavowing  any 
participation  in  the  conspiracy  of  Cholula. 

Meanwhile  Cortes  was  passing  his  time  in  that 
capital.  He  thought  that  the  impression  produced 
by  the  late  scenes,  and  by  the  present  restoration 
of  tranquillity,  offered  a  fair  opportunity  for  the 
good  work  of  conversion.  He  accordingly  urged 
the  citizens  to  embrace  the  Cross  and  abandon  the 
false  guardians  who  had  abandoned  them  in  their 
extremity.  But  the  traditions  of  centuries  rested 
on  the  Holy  City,  shedding  a  halo  of  glory  around 
it  as  "  the  sanctuary  of  the  gods,"  the  religious 
capital  of  Anahuac.  It  was  too  much  to  expect 
that  the  people  would  willingly  resign  this  pre- 
eminence and  descend  to  the  level  of  an  ordi- 
nary community.  Still  Cortes  might  have  pressed 
the  matter,  however  unpalatable,  but  for  the  re- 
hour  shall  arrive  in  which  they  shall  make  us  slaves  throughout  the 
land,  and  we  shall  be  condemned  to  the  lowest  and  most  degrading 
oflBces!"  (Ibid.,  lib.  6,  cap.  16.)  This  random  shot  of  prophecy, 
which  I  have  rendered  literally,  shows  how  strong  and  settled  was 
the  apprehension  of  some  impending  revolution. 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  3. 


1519]  ENVOYS   FROM   MONTEZUMA  217 

iiewed  interposition  of  the  wise  Olmedo,  who  per- 
suaded him  to  postpone  it  till  after  the  reduction 
of  the  whole  country.^  ^ 

The  Spanish  general,  however,  had  the  satisfac- 
tion to  break  open  the  cages  in  which  the  victims 
for  sacrifice  were  confined,  and  to  dismiss  the  trem- 
bling inmates  to  liberty  and  hfe.  He  also  seized 
upon  the  great  teocalli,  and  devoted  that  portion 
of  the  building  which,  being  of  stone,  had  escaped 
the  fury  of  the  flames,  to  the  purposes  of  a  Chris- 
tian church;  while  a  crucifix  of  stone  and  lime,  of 
gigantic  dimensions,  spreading  out  its  arms  above 
the  city,  proclaimed  that  the  population  below  was 
under  the  protection  of  the  Cross.  On  the  same 
spot  now  stands  a  temple  overshadowed  by  dark 
cypresses  of  unknown  antiquity,  and  dedicated  to 
Our  Lady  de  los  Remedios.  An  image  of  the  Vir- 
gin presides  over  it,  said  to  have  been  left  by  the 
Conqueror  himself;  '^  and  an  Indian  ecclesiastic,  a 
descendant  of  the  ancient  Cholulans,  performs  the 
peaceful  services  of  the  Roman  Catholic  com- 
munion on  the  spot  where  his  ancestors  celebrated 
the  sanguinary  rites  of  the  mystic  Quetzalcoatl.^^ 

During  the  occurrence  of  these  events,  envoys 
arrived  from  Mexico.  They  were  charged,  as 
usual,  with  a  rich  present  of  plate  and  ornaments 
of  gold,  among  others,  artificial  birds  in  imitation 
of  turkeys,  with  plumes  of  the  same  precious 
metal.  To  these  were  added  fifteen  hundred  cotton 
dresses  of  delicate  fabric.    The  emperor  even  ex- 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  83. 
"Veytia,  Hist,  antig.,  torn.  i.  cap.  13, 
"  Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordillferes,  p.  32. 


218  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

pressed  his  regret  at  the  catastrophe  of  Cholula, 
vindicated  himself  from  any  share  in  the  conspi- 
racy which  he  said  had  brought  deserved  retribu- 
tion on  the  heads  of  its  authors,  and  explained  the 
existence  of  an  Aztec  force  in  the  neighborhood  by 
the  necessity  of  repressing  some  disorders  there. ^^ 
One  cannot  contemplate  this  pusillanimous  con- 
duct of  Montezuma  without  mingled  feelings  of 
pity  and  contempt.  It  is  not  easy  to  reconcile  his 
assumed  innocence  of  the  plot  with  many  circum- 
stances connected  with  it.  But  it  must  be  remem- 
bered here,  and  always,  that  his  history  is  to  be 
collected  solely  from  Spanish  writers  and  such  of 
the  natives  as  flourished  after  the  Conquest,  when 
the  country  had  become  a  colony  of  Spain.  Not 
an  Aztec  record  of  the  primitive  age  survives,  in 
a  form  capable  of  interpretation.^^  It  is  the  hard 
fate  of  this  unfortunate  monarch  to  be  wholly  in- 

"  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  69. — Gomara,  Cronica, 
cap.  63.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  5.  —  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  84. 

"  The  language  of  the  text  may  appear  somewhat  too  unqualified, 
considering  that  three  Aztec  codices  exist  with  interpretations.  (See 
ante,  vol.  i.  pp.  117-119.)  But  they  contain  very  few  and  general 
allusions  to  Montezuma,  and  these  strained  through  commentaries  of 
Spanish  monks,  oftentimes  manifestly  irreconcilable  with  the  gen- 
uine Aztec  notions.  Even  such  writers  as  Ixtlilxochitl  and  Camargo, 
from  whom,  considering  their  Indian  descent,  we  might  expect  more 
independence,  seem  less  solicitous  to  show  this,  than  their  loyalty 
to  the  new  faith  and  country  of  their  adoption.  Perhaps  the  most 
honest  Aztec  record  of  the  period  is  to  be  obtained  from  the  volumes, 
the  twelfth  book  particularly,  of  Father  Sahagun,  embodying  the 
traditions  of  the  natives  soon  after  the  Conquest.  This  portion  of 
his  great  work  was  rewritten  by  its  author,  and  considerable  changes 
were  made  in  it,  at  a  later  period  of  his  life.  Yet  it  may  be  doubted 
if  the  reformed  version  reflects  the  traditions  of  the  country  as  faith- 
fully as  the  original,  which  is  still  in  manuscript,  and  which  I  have 
chiefly  followed. 


1519]  FURTHER  PROCEEDINGS  219 

debted  for  his  portraiture  to  the  pencil  of  his 
enemies. 

More  than  a  fortnight  had  elapsed  since  the  en- 
trance of  the  Spaniards  into  Cholula,  and  Cortes 
now  resolved  without  loss  of  time  to  resume  his 
march  towards  the  capital.  His  rigorous  reprisals 
had  so  far  intimidated  the  Cholulans  that  he  felt 
assured  he  should  no  longer  leave  an  active  enemy 
in  his  rear,  to  annoy  him  in  case  of  retreat.  He 
had  the  satisfaction,  before  his  departure,  to  heal 
the  feud — in  outward  appearance,  at  least — that 
had  so  long  subsisted  between  the  Holy  City  and 
Tlascala,  and  which,  under  the  revolution  which  so 
soon  changed  the  destinies  of  the  country,  never 
revived. 

It  was  with  some  disquietude  that  he  now  re- 
ceived an  application  from  his  Cempoallan  allies 
to  be  allowed  to  withdraw  from  the  expedition  and 
return  to  their  own  homes.  They  had  incurred  too 
deeply  the  resentment  of  the  Aztec  emperor,  by 
their  insults  to  his  collectors,  and  by  their  co-op- 
eration with  the  Spaniards,  to  care  to  trust  them- 
selves in  his  capital.  It  was  in  vain  Cortes  en- 
deavored to  reassure  them  by  promises  of  his  pro- 
tection. Their  habitual  distrust  and  dread  of  "  the 
great  INIontezuma  "  were  not  to  be  overcome.  The 
general  learned  their  determination  with  regret, 
for  they  had  been  of  infinite  service  to  the  cause  by 
their  stanch  fidelity  and  courage.  All  this  made 
it  the  more  difficult  for  him  to  resist  their  reason- 
able demand.  Liberally  recompensing  their  ser- 
vices, therefore,  from  the  rich  wardrobe  and  treas- 
ures of  the  emperor,  he  took  leave  of  his  faithful 


220  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

followers,  before  his  own  departure  from  Cholula. 
He  availed  himself  of  their  return  to  send  letters 
to  Juan  de  Escalante,  his  lieutenant  at  Vera  Cruz, 
acquainting  him  with  the  successful  progress  of 
the  expedition.  He  enjoined  on  that  officer  to 
strengthen  the  fortifications  of  the  place,  so  as  the 
better  to  resist  any  hostile  interference  from  Cuba, 
— an  event  for  which  Cortes  was  ever  on  the  watch, 
— and  to  keep  down  revolt  among  the  natives.  He 
especially  commended  the  Totonacs  to  his  protec- 
tion, as  allies  whose  fidelity  to  the  Spaniards  ex- 
posed them,  in  no  slight  degree,  to  the  vengeance  of 
the  Aztecs. ^*^ 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  84,  85.— Rel.  Seg.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  67. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  60. — Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  5. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

MAECH  RESUMED— ASCENT  OF  THE  GREAT  VOL- 
CANO—VALLEY OF  MEXICO— IMPRESSION  ON  THE 
SPANIARDS  — CONDUCT  OF  MONTEZUMA— THEY 
DESCEND  INTO  THE  VALLEY 

1519 

EVERYTHING  being  now  restored  to  quiet 
in  Cholula,  the  allied  army  of  Spaniards  and 
Tlascalans  set  forward  in  high  spirits,  and  resumed 
the  march  on  Mexico.  The  road  lay  through  the 
beautiful  savarmas  and  luxuriant  plantations  that 
spread  out  for  several  leagues  in  every  direction. 
On  the  march,  thej^  were  met  occasionally  by  em- 
bassies from  the  neighboring  places,  anxious  to 
claim  the  protection  of  the  white  men,  and  to  pro- 
pitiate them  by  gifts,  especially  of  gold,  their  ap- 
petite for  which  was  generally  known  throughout 
the  country. 

Some  of  these  places  were  allies  of  the  Tlasca- 
lans, and  all  showed  much  discontent  with  the  op- 
pressive rule  of  Montezuma.  The  natives  cau- 
tioned the  Spaniards  against  putting  themselves  in 
his  power  by  entering  his  capital ;  and  they  stated, 
as  evidence  of  his  hostile  disposition,  that  he  had 
caused  the  direct  road  to  it  to  be  blocked  up,  that 

221 


£22  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

the  strangers  might  be  compelled  to  choose  an- 
other, which,  from  its  narrow  passes  and  strong 
positions,  would  enable  him  to  take  them  at  great 
disadvantage. 

The  information  was  not  lost  on  Cortes,  who 
kept  a  strict  eye  on  the  movements  of  the  JNIexican 
envoys,  and  redoubled  his  own  precautions  against 
surprise.^  Cheerful  and  active,  he  was  ever  where 
his  presence  was  needed,  sometimes  in  the  van,  at 
others  in  the  rear,  encouraging  the  weak,  stimu- 
lating the  sluggish,  and  striving  to  kindle  in  the 
breasts  of  others  the  same  courageous  spirit  which 
glowed  in  his  own.  At  night  he  never  omitted  to 
go  the  rounds,  to  see  that  every  man  was  at  his 
post.  On  one  occasion  his  vigilance  had  wellnigh 
proved  fatal  to  him.  He  approached  so  near  a 
sentinel  that  the  man,  unable  to  distinguish  his 
person  in  the  dark,  levelled  his  cross-bow  at  him, 
when  fortunately  an  exclamation  of  the  general, 
who  gave  the  watchword  of  the  night,  arrested  a 
movement  which  might  else  have  brought  the  cam- 
paign to  a  close  and  given  a  respite  for  some  time 
longer  to  the  empire  of  IMontezuma. 

The  army  came  at  length  to  the  place  mentioned 
by  the  friendly  Indians,  where  the  road  forked, 
and  one  arm  of  it  was  found,  as  they  had  foretold, 
obstructed  with  large  trunks  of  trees,  and  huge 
stones  which  had  been  strewn  across  it.  Cortes 
inquired  the  meaning  of  this  from  the  JMexican 
ambassadors.     They  said  it  was  done  by  the  em- 

^ "  We  walked,"  says  Diaz,  in  the  homely  but  expressive  Spanish 
proverb,  "with  our  beards  over  our  shoulders" — la  barba  sobre  el 
ombro.    Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  86. 


1519]  MARCH  RESUMED  223 

peror's  orders,  to  prevent  their  taking  a  route 
which,  after  some  distance,  they  would  find  nearly 
impracticable  for  the  cavalry.  They  acknow- 
ledged, however,  that  it  was  the  most  direct  road; 
and  Cortes,  declaring  that  this  was  enough  to  de- 
cide him  in  favor  of  it,  as  the  Spaniards  made  no 
account  of  obstacles,  commanded  the  rubbish  to  be 
cleared  away.  Some  of  the  timber  might  still  be 
seen  by  the  roadside,  as  Bernal  Diaz  tells  us,  many 
years  after.  The  event  left  little  doubt  in  the  gen- 
eral's mind  of  the  meditated  treachery  of  the 
Mexicans.  But  he  was  too  politic  to  betray  his  sus- 
picions.^ 

They  were  now  leaving  the  pleasant  champaign 
country,  as  the  road  wound  up  the  bold  sierra  which 
separates  the  great  plateaus  of  Mexico  and  Puebla. 
The  air,  as  they  ascended,  became  keen  and  pierc- 
ing ;  and  the  blasts,  sweeping  down  the  frozen  sides 
of  the  mountains,  made  the  soldiers  shiver  in  their 
thick  harness  of  cotton,  and  benumbed  the  limbs 
of  both  men  and  horses. 

They  were  passing  between  two  of  the  highest 
mountains  on  the  North  American  continent;  Po- 
pocatepetl, "  the  hill  that  smokes,"  and  Iztacci- 
huatl,  or  "  white  woman,"  ^ — a  name  suggested, 
doubtless,  by  the  bright  robe  of  snow  spread  over 
its  broad  and  broken  surface.  A  puerile  supersti- 
tion of  the  Indians  regarded  these  celebrated 
mountains  as  gods,  and  Iztaccihuatl  as  the  wife  of 

'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  86. — Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortds, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  70. — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  41. 

' "  Llamaban  al  volcan  Popocatepetl,  y  d  la  sierra  nevada  Iztac- 
cihuatl, que  quiere  decir  la  sierra  que  humea,  y  la  blanca  muger." 
Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


224  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

her  more  formidable  neighbor/  A  tradition  of  a 
higher  character  described  the  northern  volcano  as 
the  abode  of  the  departed  spirits  of  wicked  rulers, 
whose  fiery  agonies  in  their  prison-house  caused  the 
fearful  bellowings  and  convulsions  in  times  of 
eruption.  It  was  the  classic  fable  of  antiquity.^ 
These  superstitious  legends  had  invested  the  moun- 
tain with  a  mysterious  horror,  that  made  the  natives 
shrink  from  attempting  its  ascent,  which,  indeed, 
was  from  natural  causes  a  work  of  incredible  diffi- 
culty. 

The  great  volcan,^  as  Popocatepetl  was  called, 
rose  to  the  enormous  height  of  17,852  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  sea ;  more  than  2000  feet  above  the 
"  monarch  of  mountains," — the  highest  elevation 
in  Europe.^  During  the  present  century  it  has 
rarely  given  evidence  of  its  volcanic  origin,  and 
"  the  hill  that  smokes  "  has  almost  forfeited  its 
claim  to  the  appellation.  But  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest  it  was  frequently  in  a  state  of  activity, 


* "  La  Sierra  nevada  y  el  volcan  los  tenian  por  Dioses ;  y  que  el 
volcan  y  la  Sierra  nevada  eran  marido  y  muger."    Ibid.,  MS. 
°Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  62. 

"i^tna  Giganteos  nunquam  tacitura  triumphos, 
Enceladi  bustum,  qui  saucia  terga  revinctus 
Spirat  inexbaustum  flagranti  pectore  sulphur." 

Clacdian,  De  Rapt.  Pros.,  lib.  1,  v.  152. 
*  The  old  Spanish  called  any  lofty  mountain  by  that  name,  though 
never  having  given  signs  of  combustion.  Thus,  Chimborazo  was 
called  a  volcan  de  nieve,  or  "snow  volcano"  (Humboldt,  Essai  poli- 
tique, tom.  i.  p.  162)  ;  and  that  enterprising  traveller,  Stephens,  no- 
tices the  volcan  de  agua,  "  water  volcano,"  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Antigua  Guatemala.  Incidents  of  Travel  in  Chiapas,  Central  Amer- 
ica, and  Yucatan  (New  York,  1841),  vol.  i.  chap.  13. 

^  Mont  Blanc,  according  to  M.  de  Saussure,  is  15,670  feet  high. 
For  the  estimate  of  Popocatepetl,  see  an  elaborate  communication  in 
the  "  Revista  Mexicana,"  tom.  ii.  No.  4. 


1519]    ASCENT  OF  THE  GREAT  VOLCANO     225 

and  raged  with  uncommon  fury  while  the  Span- 
iards were  at  Tlascala ;  an  evil  omen,  it  was  thought, 
for  the  natives  of  Anahuac.  Its  head,  gathered 
into  a  regular  cone  by  the  deposit  of  successive 
eruptions,  wore  the  usual  form  of  volcanic  moun- 
tains when  not  disturbed  by  the  falling  in  of  the 
crater.  Soaring  towards  the  skies,  with  its  silver 
sheet  of  everlasting  snow,  it  was  seen  far  and  wide 
over  the  broad  plains  of  Mexico  and  Puebla,  the 
first  object  which  the  morning  sun  greeted  in  his 
rising,  the  last  where  his  evening  rays  were  seen 
to  linger,  shedding  a  glorious  effulgence  over  its 
head,  that  contrasted  strikingly  with  the  ruinous 
waste  of  sand  and  lava  immediately  below,  and 
the  deep  fringe  of  funereal  pines  that  shrouded  its 
base. 

The  mysterious  terrors  which  hung  over  the 
spot,  and  the  wild  love  of  adventure,  made  some  of 
the  Spanish  cavaliers  desirous  to  attempt  the  as- 
cent, which  the  natives  declared  no  man  could  ac- 
complish and  live.  Cortes  encouraged  them  in  the 
enterprise,  willing  to  show  the  Indians  that  no 
achievement  was  above  the  dauntless  daring  of  his 
followers.  One  of  his  captains,  accordingly,  Diego 
Ordaz,  with  nine  Spaniards,  and  several  Tlasca- 
lans,  encouraged  by  their  example,  undertook  the 
ascent.  It  was  attended  with  more  difficulty  than 
had  been  anticipated. 

The  lower  region  was  clothed  with  a  dense  for- 
est, so  thickly  matted  that  in  some  places  it  was 
scarcely  possible  to  penetrate  it.  It  grew  thinner, 
however,  as  they  advanced,  dwindling  by  degrees 
into  a  straggling,  stunted  vegetation,  till,  at  the 


226  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

height  of  somewhat  more  than  thirteen  thousand 
feet,  it  faded  away  altogether.  The  Indians  who 
had  held  on  thus  far,  intimidated  by  the  strange 
subterraneous  sounds  of  the  volcano,  even  then  in 
a  state  of  combustion,  now  left  them.  The  track 
opened  on  a  black  surface  of  glazed  volcanic  sand 
and  of  lava,  the  broken  fragments  of  which,  ar- 
rested in  its  boiling  progress  in  a  thousand  fantastic 
forms,  opposed  continual  impediments  to  their 
advance.  Amidst  these,  one  huge  rock,  the  Pico 
del  Fraile,  a  conspicuous  object  from  below,  rose 
to  the  perpendicular  height  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
feet,  compelling  them  to  take  a  wide  circuit.  They 
soon  came  to  the  limits  of  perjietual  snow,  where 
new  difficulties  presented  themselves,  as  the  treach- 
erous ice  gave  an  imperfect  footing,  and  a  false 
step  might  precipitate  them  into  the  frozen  chasms 
that  j'^awned  around.  To  increase  their  distress, 
respiration  in  these  aerial  regions  became  so  diffi- 
cult that  every  effort  was  attended  with  sharp 
pains  in  the  head  and  limbs.  Still  they  pressed  on, 
till,  drawing  nearer  the  crater,  such  volumes  of 
smoke,  sparks,  and  cinders  were  belched  forth  from 
its  burning  entrails,  and  driven  down  the  sides  of 
the  mountain,  as  nearly  suffocated  and  blinded 
them.  It  was  too  much  even  for  their  hardy 
frames  to  endure,  and,  however  reluctantly,  they 
were  compelled  to  abandon  the  attempt  on  the  eve 
of  its  completion.  They  brought  back  some  huge 
icicles, — a  curious  sight  in  these  tropical  regions, — 
as  a  trophy  of  their  achievement,  which,  however 
imperfect,  was  sufficient  to  strike  the  minds  of  the 
natives  with  wonder,  by  showing  that  with  the 


1519]    ASCENT  OF  THE   GREAT  VOLCANO     227 

Spaniards  the  most  appalling  and  mysterious  per- 
ils were  only  as  pastimes.  The  undertaking  was 
eminently  characteristic  of  the  bold  spirit  of  the 
cavalier  of  that  day,  who,  not  content  with  the 
dangers  that  lay  in  his  path,  seemed  to  court  them 
from  the  mere  Quixotic  love  of  adventure.  A  re- 
port of  the  affair  was  transmitted  to  the  emperor 
Charles  the  Fifth,  and  the  family  of  Ordaz  was 
allowed  to  commemorate  the  exploit  by  assuming 
a  burning  mountain  on  their  escutcheon.* 

The  general  was  not  satisfied  with  the  result. 
Two  years  after,  he  sent  up  another  party,  under 
Francisco  Montano,  a  cavalier  of  determined  reso- 
lution. The  object  was  to  obtain  sulphur  to  assist 
in  making  gunpowder  for  the  army.  The  moun- 
tain was  quiet  at  this  time,  and  the  expedition  was 
attended  with  better  success.  The  Spaniards,  five 
in  number,  climbed  to  the  very  edge  of  the  crater, 
which  presented  an  irregular  ellipse  at  its  mouth, 
more  than  a  league  in  circumference.  Its  depth 
might  be  from  eight  hundred  to  a  thousand  feet. 
A  lurid  flame  burned  gloomily  at  the  bottom,  send- 
ing up  a  sulphurous  steam,  which,  cooling  as  it 
rose,  was  precipitated  on  the  sides  of  the  cavity. 
The  party  cast  lots,  and  it  fell  on  Montano  himself, 
to  descend  in  a  basket  into  this  hideous  abyss,  into 
which  he  was  lowered  by  his  companions  to  the 

"  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  70. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  5. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap. 
78. — The  latter  writer  speaks  of  the  ascent  as  made  when  the  army 
lay  at  Tlascala,  and  of  the  attempt  as  perfectly  successful.  The  gen- 
eral's letter,  written  soon  after  the  event,  with  no  motive  for  mis- 
statement, is  the  better  authority.  See,  also,  Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  18.— Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn, 
ill.  p.  308. — Gomara,  Cr<3nica,  cap.  62. 


228  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

depth  of  four  hundred  feet!  This  was  repeated 
several  times,  till  the  adventurous  cavalier  had 
collected  a  sufficient  quantity  of  sulphur  for  the 
wants  of  the  army.^  This  doughty  enterprise  ex- 
cited general  admiration  at  the  time.  Cortes  con- 
cludes his  report  of  it  to  the  emperor  with  the  ju- 
dicious reflection  that  it  would  be  less  inconvenient, 
on  the  whole,  to  import  their  powder  from  Spain.^'' 

But  it  is  time  to  return  from  our  digression, 
which  may  perhaps  be  excused,  as  illustrating,  in 
a  remarkable  manner,  the  chimerical  spirit  of  en- 
terprise— not  inferior  to  that  in  his  own  romances 
of  chivalry — which  glowed  in  the  breast  of  the 
Spanish  cavalier  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

The  army  held  on  its  march  through  the  intricate 
gorges  of  the  sierra.     The  route  was  nearly  the 

'  [Montano's  family  remained  in  Mexico  after  the  Conquest,  and 
his  daughter  received  a  pension  from  the  government.  Alaman, 
Disertaciones  histdricas,  torn.  i.  apend.  2.] 

"  Rel.  Ter.  y  Quarta  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  318,  380.— 
Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  3,  cap.  1.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  41.— M.  de  Humboldt  doubts  the  fact  of 
Montano's  descent  into  the  crater,  thinking  it  more  probable  that  he 
obtained  the  sulphur  through  some  lateral  crevice  in  the  mountain. 
(Essai  politique,  torn.  i.  p.  164.)  *  No  attempt— at  least,  no  suc- 
cessful one— was  made  to  gain  the  summit  of  Popocatepetl,  since 
this  of  Montano,  till  the  present  century.  In  1827  it  was  reached  in 
two  expeditions,  and  again  in  1833  and  1834.  A  very  full  account 
of  the  last,  containing  many  interesting  details  and  scientific  obser- 
vations, was  written  by  Federico  de  Gerolt,  one  of  the  party,  and 
published  in  the  periodical  already  referred  to.  (Revista  Mexicana, 
torn.  i.  pp.  461-482.)  The  party  from  the  topmost  peak,  which  com- 
manded a  full  view  of  the  less  elevated  Iztaccihuatl,  saw  no  vestige 
of  a  crater  in  that  mountain,  contrary  to  the  opinion  usually  received. 

*  [There  would  seem  to  have  been  no  grounds  for  the  doubt  ex- 
pressed by  Humboldt,  as  the  sulphur  is  now  nearly  exhausted,  having 
been  regidarly  collected  by  Indian  laborers,  lowered  into  the  crater 
by  means  of  a  rope  of  hide  attached  to  a  windlass.  Tylor,  Anahuac, 
p.  269.  — K.] 


1519]  VALLEY  OF  MEXICO  229 

same  as  that  pursued  at  the  present  day  by  the 
courier  from  the  capital  to  Puebla,  by  the  way  of 
Mecameca.^^  It  was  not  that  usually  taken  by 
travellers  from  Vera  Cruz,  who  follow  the  more 
circuitous  road  round  the  northern  base  of  Iztacci- 
huatl,  as  less  fatiguing  than  the  other,  though  in- 
ferior in  picturesque  scenery  and  romantic  points 
of  view.  The  icy  winds,  that  now  swept  down  the 
sides  of  the  mountains,  brought  with  them  a  tem- 
pest of  arrowy  sleet  and  snow,  from  which  the 
Christians  suffered  even  more  than  the  Tlascalans, 
reared  from  infancy  among  the  wild  solitudes  of 
their  own  native  hills.  As  night  came  on,  their 
sufferings  would  have  been  intolerable,  but  they 
luckily  found  a  shelter  in  the  commodious  stone 
buildings  which  the  JMexican  government  had 
placed  at  stated  intervals  along  the  roads  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  traveller  and  their  own 
couriers.  It  little  dreamed  it  was  providing  a  pro- 
tection for  its  enemies. 

The  troops,  refreshed  by  a  night's  rest,  suc- 
ceeded, early  on  the  following  day,  in  gaining  the 
crest  of  the  sierra  of  Ahualco,  which  stretches  like 
a  curtain  between  the  two  great  mountains  on  the 
north  and  south.  Their  progress  was  now  com- 
paratively easy,  and  they  marched  forward  with  a 
buoyant  step,  as  they  felt  they  were  treading  the 
soil  of  Montezuma. 

They  had  not  advanced  far,  when,  turning  an 
angle  of  the  sierra,  they  suddenly  came  on  a  view 
which  more  than  compensated  the  toils  of  the  pre- 
ceding day.    It  was  that  of  the  Valley  of  Mexico, 

"  Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  torn.  iv.  p.  17. 


230  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

or  Tenochtitlan,  as  more  commonly  called  by  the 
natives;  which,  with  its  picturesque  assemblage  of 
water,  woodland,  and  cultivated  plains,  its  shining 
cities  and  shadowy  hills,  was  spread  out  like  some 
gay  and  gorgeous  panorama  before  them.  In  the 
highly  rarefied  atmosphere  of  these  upper  regions, 
even  remote  objects  have  a  brilliancy  of  coloring 
and  a  distinctness  of  outline  which  seem  to  anni- 
hilate distance.*^  Stretching  far  away  at  their 
feet,  were  seen  noble  forests  of  oak,  sycamore,  and 
cedar,  and  beyond,  yellow  fields  of  maize  and  the 
towering  maguey,  intermingled  with  orchards  and 
blooming  gardens ;  for  flowers,  in  such  demand  for 
their  religious  festivals,  were  even  more  abundant 
in  this  populous  valley  than  in  other  parts  of  Ana- 
huac.  In  the  centre  of  the  great  basin  were  beheld 
the  lakes,  occupying  then  a  much  larger  portion  of 
its  surface  than  at  present;  their  borders  thickly 
studded  with  towns  and  hamlets,  and,  in  the  midst, 
— like  some  Indian  empress  with  her  coronal  of 
pearls, — the  fair  city  of  Mexico,  with  her  white 
towers  and  pyramidal  temples,  reposing,  as  it  were, 
on  the  bosom  of  the  waters, — the  far-famed  "  Ven- 
ice of  the  Aztecs."  High  over  all  rose  the  royal 
hill  of  Chapoltepec,  the  residence  of  the  Mexican 
monarchs,  crowned  with  the  same  grove  of  gigantic 
cypresses  which  at  this  day  fling  their  broad 
shadows  over  the  land.  In  the  distance  beyond  the 
blue  waters  of  the  lake,  and  nearly  screened  by  in- 
tervening foliage,  was  seen  a  shining  speck,  the 

"  The  lake  of  Tezeuco,  on  which  stood  the  capital  of  Mexico,  is 
2277  metres— nearly  7500  feet— above  the  sea.  Humboldt,  Essai 
politique,  tom.  ii.  p.  45. 


1519]  VALLEY  OF   MEXICO  231 

rival  capital  of  Tezcuco,  and,  still  farther  on,  the 
dark  belt  of  porphyry,  girdling  the  Valley  around, 
like  a  rich  setting  which  Nature  had  devised  for  the 
fairest  of  her  jewels. 

Such  was  the  beautiful  vision  which  broke  on  the 
eyes  of  the  Conquerors.  And  even  now,  when  so 
sad  a  change  has  come  over  the  scene;  when  the 
stately  forests  have  been  laid  low,  and  the  soil,  un- 
sheltered from  the  fierce  radiance  of  a  tropical  sun, 
is  in  many  places  abandoned  to  sterility ;  when  the 
waters  have  retired,  leaving  a  broad  and  ghastly 
margin  white  with  the  incrustation  of  salts,  while 
the  cities  and  hamlets  on  their  borders  have  moul- 
dered into  ruins; — even  now  that  desolation  broods 
over  the  landscape,  so  indestructible  are  the  lines 
of  beauty  which  Nature  has  traced  on  its  features, 
that  no  traveller,  however  cold,  can  gaze  on  them 
with  any  other  emotions  than  those  of  astonishment 
and  rapture.^  ^ 

What,  then,  must  have  been  the  emotions  of  the 
Spaniards,  when,  after  working  their  toilsome  way 
into  the  upper  air,  the  cloudy  tabernacle  parted 


"  It  is  unnecessary  to  refer  to  the  pages  of  modern  travellers,  who, 
however  they  may  differ  in  taste,  talent,  or  feeling,  all  concur  in  the 
impressions  produced  on  them  by  the  sight  of  this  beautiful  valley.* 

*  [Modern  civilization  has,  according  to  Bandelier,  made  Mexico 
much  more  beautiful  than  it  was  in  the  days  of  Montezuma.  He 
says,  "  The  city  of  Mexico,  with  its  domes  and  spires  glistening  in  the 
noonday  sun,  is  certainly  a  finer  sight  than  was  the  old  pueblo, 
resting  on  the  dull  waters  of  the  lagune,  like  an  adobe  patch,  sur- 
mounted by  the  clumsy  mounds  of  worship."  He  forgets,  however, 
that  the  adobe  was  plastered  over  with  gypsum,  and  that  "  the  walls 
were  so  well  whitened,  polished,  and  shining  that  they  appeared  to 
the  Spaniards  when  at  a  distance  to  have  been  silver."  Clavigero, 
Mexico,  ii.  p.  232.— M.] 


232  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

before  their  eyes,  and  they  beheld  these  fair  scenes 
in  all  their  pristine  magnificence  and  beauty!  It 
was  like  the  spectacle  which  greeted  the  eyes  of 
Moses  from  the  summit  of  Pisgah,  and,  in  the 
warm  glow  of  their  feelings,  they  cried  out,  "  It 
is  the  promised  land!"^^ 

But  these  feelings  of  admiration  were  soon  fol- 
lowed by  others  of  a  very  different  complexion,  as 
they  saw  in  all  this  the  evidences  of  a  civilization 
and  power  far  superior  to  anything  they  had  yet 
encountered.  The  more  timid,  disheartened  by  the 
prospect,  shrank  from  a  contest  so  unequal,  and 
demanded,  as  they  had  done  on  some  former  occa- 
sions, to  be  led  back  again  to  Vera  Cruz.  Such 
was  not  the  effect  produced  on  the  sanguine  spirit 
of  the  general.  His  avarice  was  sharpened  by  the 
display  of  the  dazzling  spoil  at  his  feet ;  and,  if  he 
felt  a  natural  anxiety  at  the  formidable  odds,  his 
confidence  was  renewed,  as  he  gazed  on  the  lines 
of  his  veterans,  whose  weather-beaten  visages  and 
battered  armor  told  of  battles  won  and  difficulties 
surmounted,  while  his  bold  barbarians,  with  appe- 
tites whetted  by  the  view  of  their  enemies'  country, 
seemed  like  eagles  on  the  mountains,  ready  to 
pounce  upon  their  prey.  By  argument,  entreaty, 
and  menace,  he  endeavored  to  restore  the  faltering 
courage  of  the  soldiers,  urging  them  not  to  think 
of  retreat,  now  that  they  had  reached  the  goal  for 
which  they  had  panted,  and  the  golden  gates  were 

"  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  41. — It  may  call  to  the 
reader's  mind  the  memorable  view  of  the  fair  plains  of  Italy  which 
Hannibal  displayed  to  his  hungry  barbarians  after  a  similar  march 
through  the  wild  passes  of  the  Alps,  as  reported  by  the  prince  of 
historic  painters.    Livy,  Hist.,  lib.  21,  cap.  35. 


1519]         DISCONTENTS  IN  THE  ARMY  233 

opened  to  receive  them.  In  these  efforts  he  was 
well  seconded  by  the  brave  cavaliers,  who  held 
honor  as  dear  to  them  as  fortune ;  until  the  dullest 
spirits  caught  somewhat  of  the  enthusiasm  of  their 
leaders,  and  the  general  had  the  satisfaction  to  see 
his  hesitating  columns,  with  their  usual  buoyant 
step,  once  more  on  their  march  down  the  slopes  of 
the  sierra.^ ^ 

With  every  step  of  their  progress,  the  woods 
became  thinner;  patches  of  cultivated  land  more 
frequent;  and  hamlets  were  seen  in  the  green  and 
sheltered  nooks,  the  inhabitants  of  which,  coming 
out  to  meet  them,  gave  the  troops  a  kind  reception. 
Every^vhere  they  heard  complaints  of  Montezuma, 
especially  of  the  unfeeling  manner  in  which  he  car- 
ried off  their  young  men  to  recruit  his  armies,  and 
their  maidens  for  his  harem.  These  symptoms  of 
discontent  were  noticed  with  satisfaction  by  Cortes, 
who  saw  that  Montezuma's  "  mountain-throne," 
as  it  was  called,  was  indeed  seated  on  a  volcano, 
with  the  elements  of  combustion  so  active  within 
that  it  seemed  as  if  any  hour  might  witness  an  ex- 
plosion. He  encouraged  the  disaffected  natives  to 
rely  on  his  protection,  as  he  had  come  to  redress 
their  wrongs.  He  took  advantage,  moreover,  of 
their  favorable  dispositions,  to  scatter  among  them 
such  gleams  of  spiritual  light  as  time  and  the 
preaching  of  Father  Olmedo  could  afford. 

He  advanced  by  easy  stages,  somewhat  retarded 
by  the  crowd  of  curious  inhabitants  gathered  on 

"  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  ubi  supra,— Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  3.— Goniara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  64,. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  5. 


234.  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

the  highways  to  see  the  strangers,  and  halting  at 
every  spot  of  interest  or  importance.  On  the  road, 
he  was  met  by  another  embassy  from  the  capital. 
It  consisted  of  several  Aztec  lords,  freighted,  as 
usual,  with  a  rich  largess  of  gold,  and  robes  of 
delicate  furs  and  feathers.  The  message  of  the 
emperor  was  couched  in  the  same  deprecatory 
terms  as  before.  He  even  condescended  to  bribe 
the  return  of  the  Spaniards,  by  promising,  in  that 
event,  four  loads  of  gold  to  the  general,  and  one 
to  each  of  the  captains,^*'  with  a  yearly  tribute  to 
their  sovereign.  So  effectually  had  the  lofty  and 
naturally  courageous  spirit  of  the  barbarian  mon- 
arch been  subdued  by  the  influence  of  superstition ! 

But  the  man  whom  the  hostile  array  of  armies 
could  not  daunt  was  not  to  be  turned  from  his  pur- 
pose by  a  woman's  prayers.  He  received  the  em- 
bassy with  his  usual  courtesy,  declaring,  as  before, 
that  he  could  not  answer  it  to  his  own  sovereign  if 
he  were  now  to  return  without  visiting  the  emperor 
in  his  capital.  It  would  be  much  easier  to  arrange 
matters  by  a  personal  interview  than  by  distant 
negotiation.  The  Spaniards  came  in  the  spirit  of 
peace.  Montezuma  would  so  find  it;  but,  should 
their  presence  prove  burdensome  to  him,  it  would 
be  easy  for  them  to  relieve  him  of  it.^^ 

The  Aztec  monarch,  meanwhile,  was  a  prey  to 
the  most  dismal  apprehensions.     It  was  intended 

'^  A  load  for  a  Mexican  tamane  was  about  fifty  pounds,  or  eight 
hundred  ounces.    Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  ii.  p.  69,  nota. 

"  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  13.— Rel. 
Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  73. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  -2, 
lib.  7,  cap.  3.— Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  64.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
MS.,  lib,  33,  cap.  5.— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  87. 


1519]  CONDUCT  OF  MONTEZUMA  235 

that  the  embassy  above  noticed  should  reach  the 
Spaniards  before  they  crossed  the  mountains. 
When  he  learned  that  this  was  accomplished,  and 
that  the  dread  strangers  were  on  their  march  across 
the  Valley,  the  very  threshold  of  his  capital,  the 
last  spark  of  hope  died  away  in  his  bosom.  Like 
one  who  suddenly  finds  himself  on  the  brink  of 
some  dark  and  yawning  gulf,  he  was  too  much 
bewildered  to  be  able  to  rally  his  thoughts,  or  even 
to  comprehend  his  situation.  He  was  the  victim  of 
an  absolute  destiny,  against  which  no  foresight  or 
precautions  could  have  availed.  It  was  as  if  the 
strange  beings  who  had  thus  invaded  his  shores  had 
dropped  from  some  distant  planet,  so  different 
were  they  from  all  he  had  ever  seen,  in  appearance 
and  manners;  so  superior — though  a  mere  handful 
in  numbers — to  the  banded  nations  of  Anahuac  in 
strength  and  science  and  all  the  fearful  accompa- 
niments of  war!  They  were  now  in  the  Valley. 
The  huge  mountain  screen,  which  nature  had  so 
kindly  drawn  around  it  for  its  defence,  had  been 
overleaped.  The  golden  visions  of  security  and 
repose  in  which  he  had  so  long  indulged,  the 
lordly  sway  descended  from  his  ancestors,  his  broad 
imperial  domain,  were  all  to  pass  away.  It  seemed 
like  some  terrible  dream, — from  which  he  was  now, 
alas!  to  awake  to  a  still  more  terrible  reality. 

In  a  paroxysm  of  despair,  he  shut  himself  up 
in  his  palace,  refused  food,  and  sought  relief  in 
prayer  and  in  sacrifice.  But  the  oracles  were 
dumb.  He  then  adopted  the  more  sensible  expe- 
dient of  calling  a  council  of  his  principal  and  oldest 
nobles.     Here  was  the  same  division  of  opinion 


236  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

which  had  before  prevailed.  Cacama,  the  young 
king  of  Tezcuco,  his  nephew,  counselled  him  to  re- 
ceive the  Spaniards  courteously,  as  ambassadors,  so 
styled  by  themselves,  of  a  foreign  prince.  Cuitla- 
hua,  Montezuma's  more  warlike  brother,  urged 
him  to  muster  his  forces  on  the  instant,  and  drive 
back  the  invaders  from  his  capital  or  die  in  its  de- 
fence. But  the  monarch  found  it  difficult  to  rally 
his  spirits  for  this  final  struggle.  With  downcast 
eye  and  dejected  mien,  he  exclaimed,  "  Of  what 
avail  is  resistance,  when  the  gods  have  declared 
themselves  against  us?^^  Yet  I  mourn  most  for 
the  old  and  infirm,  the  women  and  children,  too 
feeble  to  fight  or  to  fly.  For  myself  and  the  brave 
men  around  me,  we  must  bare  our  breasts  to  the 
storm,  and  meet  it  as  we  may!  "  Such  are  the  sor- 
rowful and  sympathetic  tones  in  which  the  Aztec 
emperor  is  said  to  have  uttered  the  bitterness  of  his 
grief.  He  would  have  acted  a  more  glorious  part 
had  he  put  his  capital  in  a  posture  of  defence,  and 
prepared,  like  the  last  of  the  Palaeologi,  to  bury 
himself  under  its  ruins.^^ 

He  straightway  prepared  to  send  a  last  embassy 
to  the  Spaniards,  with  his  nephew,  the  lord  of  Tez- 
cuco, at  its  head,  to  welcome  them  to  ISIexico. 

The  Christian  army,  meanwhile,  had  advanced 
as  far  as  Amaquemecan,  a  well-built  town  of  sev- 
eral thousand  inhabitants.  They  were  kindly  re- 
ceived by  the  cacique,  lodged  in  large,  commodious, 

"This  was  not  the  sentiment  of  the  Roman  hero: 

"  Victrix  causa  Diis  placuit,  sed  victa  Catoni  !  " 

LccAN,  lib.  1,  V.  128. 

"  Sahagun,   Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.   1-2,  cap.   13. — Tor- 
quemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap,  44. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  63. 


1519]  THEY  DESCEND  INTO  THE  VALLEY    237 

stone  buildings,  and  at  their  departure  presented, 
among  other  things,  with  gold  to  the  amount  of 
three  thousand  castellanos.^"^  Having  halted  there 
a  couple  of  days,  they  descended  among  flourish- 
ing plantations  of  maize  and  of  maguey,  the  latter 
of  which  might  be  called  the  Aztec  vineyards,  to- 
wards the  lake  of  Chalco.  Their  first  resting-place 
was  Ajotzinco,  a  town  of  considerable  size,  with 
a  great  part  of  it  then  standing  on  piles  in  the 
water.  It  was  the  first  specimen  which  the  Span- 
iards had  seen  of  this  maritime  architecture.  The 
canals  which  intersected  the  city,  instead  of  streets, 
presented  an  animated  scene,  from  the  number  of 
barks  which  glided  up  and  down  freighted  with 
provisions  and  other  articles  for  the  inhabitants. 
The  Spaniards  were  particularly  struck  with  the 
style  and  commodious  structure  of  the  houses,  built 
chiefly  of  stone,  and  with  the  general  aspect  of 
wealth  and  even  elegance  which  prevailed  there. 

Though  received  with  the  greatest  show  of  hos- 
pitality, Cortes  found  some  occasion  for  distrust 
in  the  eagerness  manifested  by  the  people  to  see 
and  approach  the  Spaniards.^^  Not  content  with 
gazing  at  them  in  the  roads,  some  even  made  their 
way  stealthily  into  their  quarters,  and  fifteen  or 
twenty  unhappy  Indians  were  shot  down  by  the 

*° "  El  senor  de  esta  provincla  y  pueblo  me  dio  hasta  quarenta 
esclavas,  y  tres  mil  castellanos ;  y  dos  dias  que  allf  estuve  nos  provey6 
muy  cumplidamente  de  todo  lo  necesario  para  nuestra  comida."  Rel. 
Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  74. 

"  "  De  todas  partes  era  infinita  la  gente  que  de  un  cabo  6  de  otro 
concurrian  d  mirar  d  los  Espanoles,  e  maravilldbanse  mucho  de  los 
ver.  Tenian  grande  espacio  6  atencion  en  mirar  los  caballos;  decian, 
'  Estos  son  Teules,'  que  quiere  decir  Demonios."  Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  45. 


238  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

sentinels  as  spies.  Yet  there  appears,  as  well  as 
we  can  judge,  at  this  distance  of  time,  to  have  been 
no  real  ground  for  such  suspicion.  The  undis- 
guised jealousy  of  the  court,  and  the  cautions  he 
had  received  from  his  allies,  while  they  very  prop- 
erly put  the  general  on  his  guard,  seem  to  have 
given  an  unnatural  acuteness,  at  least  in  the  pres- 
ent instance,  to  his  perceptions  of  danger.^^ 

Early  on  the  following  morning,  as  the  army 
was  preparing  to  leave  the  place,  a  courier  came, 
requesting  the  general  to  postpone  his  departure 
till  after  the  arrival  of  the  king  of  Tezcuco,  who 
was  advancing  to  meet  him.  It  was  not  long  be- 
fore he  appeared,  borne  in  a  palanquin  or  litter, 
richly  decorated  with  plates  of  gold  and  precious 
stones,  having  pillars  curiously  wrought,  support- 
ing a  canopy  of  green  plumes,  a  favorite  color 
with  the  Aztec  princes.  He  was  accompanied  by 
a  numerous  suite  of  nobles  and  inferior  attendants. 

"  Cortes  tells  the  aflFair  coolly  enough  to  the  emperor.  "  And  that 
night  I  kept  such  guard  that  of  the  spies— as  well  those  who  came 
across  the  water  in  canoes  as  those  who  descended  from  the  sierra  to 
watch  for  an  opportunity  of  accomplishing  their  design— fifteen  or 
twenty  were  discovered  in  the  morning  that  had  been  killed  by  our 
men;  so  that  few  returned  with  the  information  they  had  come  to 
get."     Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  74.* 

*  [Cortes  cannot  be  blamed  for  adopting  such  precautions  as  any 
good  general  would  have  thought  it  culpable  to  neglect;  while  his 
repeated  warnings  to  the  natives  not  to  approach  the  camp  after 
sunset  show  his  anxiety  to  impress  them  with  a  sense  of  the  danger. 
"  Sabed,"  he  said  to  the  chiefs,  "  que  estos  que  conmigo  vienen  no  duer- 
men  de  noche,  6  si  duermen  es  un  poco  cuando  es  de  dia;  e  de  noche 
estdn  con  sus  armas,  e  cualquiera  que  ven  que  anda  en  pie  6  entra 
do  ellos  estdn,  luego  lo  matan;  e  yo  no  basto  a  lo  resistir;  por  tanto, 
haceldo  asf  saber  d  toda  vuestra  gente,  6  decildes  que  despues  de 
puesto  el  sol  ninguna  venga  do  estamos,  porque  morird,  e  a  mi  me 
pesard  de  los  que  murieren."  Relacion  hecha  por  el  Senor  Andres 
de  Tdpia  sobre  la  Conquista  de  Mexico. — K.J 


1519]  THEY  DESCEND  INTO  THE  VALLEY    239 

As  he  came  into  the  presence  of  Cortes,  the  lord  of 
Tezcuco  descended  from  his  palanquin,  and  the 
obsequious  officers  swept  the  ground  before  him  as 
he  advanced.  He  appeared  to  be  a  young  man  of 
about  twenty-five  years  of  age,  with  a  comely  pres- 
ence, erect  and  stately  in  his  deportment.  He 
made  the  Mexican  salutation  usually  addressed  to 
persons  of  high  rank,  touching  the  earth  with  his 
right  hand,  and  raising  it  to  his  head.  Cortes  em- 
braced him  as  he  rose,  when  the  young  prince  in- 
formed him  that  he  came  as  the  representative  of 
JNIontezuma,  to  bid  the  Spaniards  welcome  to  his 
capital.  He  then  presented  the  general  with  three 
pearls  of  uncommon  size  and  lustre.  Cortes,  in 
return,  threw  over  Cacama's  neck  a  chain  of  cut 
glass,  which,  where  glass  was  as  rare  as  diamonds, 
might  be  admitted  to  have  a  value  as  real  as  the 
latter.  After  this  interchange  of  courtesies,  and 
the  most  friendly  and  respectful  assurances  on  the 
part  of  Cortes,  the  Indian  prince  withdrew,  leaving 
the  Spaniards  strongly  impressed  with  the  superi- 
ority of  his  state  and  bearing  over  anything  they 
had  hitherto  seen  in  the  country.^^ 

Resuming  its  march,  the  army  kept  along  the 
southern  borders  of  the  lake  of  Chalco,  over- 
shadowed, at  that  time,  by  noble  woods,  and  by 
orchards  glowing  with  autumnal  fruits,  of  un- 
known names,  but  rich  and  tempting  hues.    More 

"  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  IvOrenzana,  p.  75.— Gomara,  Crrtnica, 
cap.  64.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  85.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  5.— "We  esteemed  it  a  great  matter,  and 
said  amongst  ourselves.  If  this  cacique  appeared  in  such  state,  what 
must  be  that  displayed  by  the  great  Montezuma?"  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  87. 


240  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

frequently  it  passed  through  cultivated  fields  wav- 
ing with  the  yellow  harvest,  and  irrigated  by  canals 
introduced  from  the  neighboring  lake;  the  whole 
showing  a  careful  and  economical  husbandry,  es- 
sential to  the  maintenance  of  a  crowded  popu- 
lation. 

Leaving  the  main  land,  the  Spaniards  came  on 
the  great  dike  or  causeway,  which  stretches  some 
four  or  five  miles  in  length  and  divides  lake  Chalco 
from  Xochicalco  on  the  west.  It  was  a  lance  in 
breadth  in  the  narrowest  part,  and  in  some  places 
wide  enough  for  eight  horsemen  to  ride  abreast. 
It  was  a  solid  structure  of  stone  and  lime  running 
directly  through  the  lake,  and  struck  the  Spaniards 
as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  works  which  they 
had  seen  in  the  country. 

As  they  passed  along,  they  beheld  the  gay  spec- 
tacle of  multitudes  of  Indians  darting  up  and  down 
in  their  light  pirogues,  eager  to  catch  a  glimpse  of 
the  strangers,  or  bearing  the  products  of  the  coun- 
try to  the  neighboring  cities.  They  were  amazed, 
also,  by  the  sight  of  the  chinampaSj  or  floating  gar- 
dens,— those  wandering  islands  of  verdure,  to 
which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  return  hereafter, 
— teeming  with  flowers  and  vegetables,  and  mov- 
ing like  rafts  over  the  waters.  All  round  the  mar- 
gin, and  occasionally  far  in  the  lake,  they  beheld 
little  towns  and  villages,  which,  half  concealed  by 
the  foliage,  and  gathered  in  white  clusters  round 
the  shore,  looked  in  the  distance  like  companies  of 
wild  swans  riding  quietly  on  the  waves.  A  scene 
so  new  and  wonderful  filled  their  rude  hearts  with 
amazement.    It  seemed  like  enchantment ;  and  they 


1519]  THEY  DESCEND  INTO  THE  VALLEY    241 

could  find  nothing  to  compare  it  with  but  the  magi- 
cal pictures  in  the  "  Amadis  de  Gaula."  ^^  Few 
pictures,  indeed,  in  that  or  any  other  legend  of 
chivalry,  could  surpass  the  realities  of  their  own 
experience.  The  life  of  the  adventurer  in  the  New 
World  was  romance  put  into  action.  What  won- 
der, then,  if  the  Spaniard  of  that  day,  feeding  his 
imagination  with  dreams  of  enchantment  at  home 
and  with  its  realities  abroad,  should  have  displayed 
a  Quixotic  enthusiasm, — a  romantic  exaltation  of 
character,  not  to  be  comprehended  by  the  colder 
spirits  of  other  lands! 

Midway  across  the  lake  the  army  halted  at  the 
town  of  Cuitlahuac,  a  place  of  moderate  size,  but 
distinguished  by  the  beauty  of  the  buildings, — the 
most  beautiful,  according  to  Cortes,  that  he  had 
yet  seen  in  the  country.^^  After  taking  some  re- 
freshment at  this  place,  they  continued  their  march 
along  the  dike.  Though  broader  in  this  northern 
section,  the  troops  found  themselves  much  embar- 
rassed by  the  throng  of  Indians,  who,  not  content 
with  gazing  on  them  from  the  boats,  climbed  up 
the  causeway  and  lined  the  sides  of  the  road.    The 

"  "  Nos  queddmos  admirados,"  exclaims  Diaz,  with  simple  wonder, 
"  y  deziamos  que  parecia  d  las  casas  de  encantamento,  que  cuentan 
en  el  libro  de  Amadis ! "  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  87.  An  edition 
of  this  celebrated  romance  in  its  Castilian  dress  had  appeared  before 
this  time,  as  the  prologue  to  the  second  edition  of  1521  speaks  of  a 
former  one  in  the  reign  of  the  "  Catholic  Sovereigns."  See  Cervantes, 
Don  Quixote,  ed.  Pellicer   (Madrid,  1797),  tom.  i.,  Discurso  prelim. 

"  "  Una  ciudad,  la  mas  hermosa,  aunque  pequena,  que  hasta  en- 
tonces  habiamos  visto,  assi  de  muy  bien  obradas  Casas,  y  Torres, 
como  de  la  buena  6rden,  que  en  el  fundamento  de  ella  habia  por 
ser  armada  toda  sobre  Agua."  (Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana, 
p.  76.)  The  Spaniards  gave  this  aquatic  city  the  name  of  Vene- 
zuela, or  Little  Venice.  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  2, 
cap.  4. 


242  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

general,  afraid  that  his  ranks  might  be  disordered, 
and  that  too  great  familiarity  might  diminish  a 
salutary  awe  in  the  natives,  was  obliged  to  resort 
not  merely  to  command,  but  menace,  to  clear  a  pas- 
sage. He  now  found,  as  he  advanced,  a  consider- 
able change  in  the  feelings  shown  towards  the 
government.  He  heard  only  of  the  pomp  and 
magnificence,  nothing  of  the  oppressions,  of  Mon- 
tezuma. Contrary  to  the  usual  fact,  it  seemed  that 
the  respect  for  the  court  was  greatest  in  its  imme- 
diate neighborhood. 

From  the  causeway,  the  army  descended  on  that 
narrow  point  of  land  which  divides  the  waters  of 
the  Chalco  from  the  Tezcucan  lake,  but  which  in 
those  days  was  overflowed  for  many  a  mile  now 
laid  bare.^^  Traversing  this  peninsula,  they  en- 
tered the  royal  residence  of  Iztapalapan,  a  place 
containing  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  houses,  ac- 
cording to  Cortes.^^  It  was  governed  by  Cuitla- 
hua,  the  emperor's  brother,  who,  to  do  greater 

'"  M.  de  Humboldt  has  dotted  the  conjectural  limits  of  the  an- 
cient lake  in  his  admirable  chart  of  the  Mexican  Valley.  (Atlas 
geographique  et  physique  de  la  Nouvelle-Espagne  (Paris,  1811), 
carte  3.)  Notwithstanding  his  great  care,  it  is  not  easy  always  to 
reconcile  his  topography  with  the  itineraries  of  the  Conquerors,  so 
much  has  the  face  of  the  country  been  changed  by  natural  and  arti- 
ficial causes.  It  is  still  less  possible  to  reconcile  their  narratives  with 
the  maps  of  Clavigero,  Lopez,  Robertson,  and  others,  defying  equally 
topography  and  history. 

"  Several  writers  notice  a  visit  of  the  Spaniards  to  Tezcuco  on  the 
way  to  the  capital.  (Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  42. — 
Solis,  Conquista,  lib.  3,  cap.  9.— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7, 
cap.  4.— Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  ii.  p.  74.)  This  improb- 
able episode — which,  it  may  be  remarked,  has  led  these  authors  into 
some  geographical  perplexities,  not  to  say  blunders— is  altogether 
too  remarkable  to  have  been  passed  over  in  silence  in  the  minute  re- 
lation of  Bernal  Diaz,  and  that  of  Cortes,  neither  of  whom  alludes 
to  it. 


1519]  THEY  DESCEND  INTO  THE  VALLEY    243 

honor  to  the  general,  had  invited  the  lords  of  some 
neighboring  cities,  of  the  royal  house  of  Mexico, 
like  himself,  to  be  present  at  the  interview.  This 
was  conducted  with  much  ceremony,  and,  after  the 
usual  present  of  gold  and  delicate  stuffs,^^  a  col- 
lation was  served  to  the  Spaniards  in  one  of  the 
great  halls  of  the  palace.  The  excellence  of  the 
architecture  here,  also,  excited  the  admiration  of 
the  general,  who  does  not  hesitate,  in  the  glow  of 
his  enthusiasm,  to  pronounce  some  of  the  build- 
ings equal  to  the  best  in  Spain.^*^  They  were  of 
stone,  and  the  spacious  apartments  had  roofs 
of  odorous  cedar-wood,  while  the  walls  were 
tapestried  with  fine  cotton  stained  with  brilliant 
colors. 

But  the  pride  of  Iztapalapan,  on  which  its  lord 
had  freely  lavished  his  care  and  his  revenues,  was 
its  celebrated  gardens.  They  covered  an  immense 
tract  of  land ;  were  laid  out  in  regular  squares,  and 
the  paths  intersecting  them  were  bordered  with 
trellises,  supporting  creepers  and  aromatic  shrubs 
that  loaded  the  air  with  their  perfumes.  The  gar- 
dens were  stocked  with  fruit-trees,  imported  from 
distant  places,  and  with  the  gaudy  family  of  flow- 
ers which  belonged  to  the  Mexican  flora,  scientifi- 
cally arranged,  and  growing  luxuriant  in  the 
equable  temperature  of  the  table-land.  The  nat- 
ural dryness  of  the  atmosphere  was  counteracted 

"  "  E  me  dieron,"  says  Cort6s,  "  hasta  tres,  6  quatro  mil  Caste- 
llanos,  y  algimas  Esclavas,  y  Ropa,  i  me  hicieron  muy  buen  acogi- 
miento."     Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  76. 

'* "  Tiene  el  Senor  de  ella  unas  Casas  nuevas,  que  aim  no  estan 
acabadas,  que  son  tan  buenas  como  las  mejores  de  Espana,  digo  de 
grandes  y  bien  labradas."    Ibid.,  p.  77. 


244  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

by  means  of  aqueducts  and  canals  that  carried  wa- 
ter into  all  parts  of  the  grounds. 

In  one  quarter  was  an  aviary,  filled  with  numer- 
ous kinds  of  birds,  remarkable  in  this  region  both 
for  brilliancy  of  plumage  and  of  song.  The  gar- 
dens were  intersected  by  a  canal  communicating 
with  the  lake  of  Tezcuco,  and  of  sufficient  size  for 
barges  to  enter  from  the  latter.  But  the  most 
elaborate  piece  of  work  was  a  huge  reservoir  of 
stone,  filled  to  a  considerable  height  with  water 
well  supplied  with  different  sorts  of  fish.  The 
basin  was  sixteen  hundred  paces  in  circumference, 
and  was  surrounded  by  a  walk,  made  also  of  stone, 
wide  enough  for  four  persons  to  go  abreast.  The 
sides  were  curiously  sculptured,  and  a  flight  of 
steps  led  to  the  water  below,  which  fed  the  aque- 
ducts above  noticed,  or,  collected  into  fountains, 
diffused  a  perpetual  moisture. 

Such  are  the  accounts  transmitted  of  these  cele- 
brated gardens,  at  a  period  when  similar  horticul- 
tural establishments  were  unknown  in  Europe ;  ^^ 
and  we  might  well  doubt  their  existence  in  this 
semi-civilized  land,  were  it  not  a  matter  of  such 
notoriety  at  the  time  and  so  explicitly  attested  by 
the  invaders.  But  a  generation  had  scarcely  passed 
after  the  Conquest,  before  a  sad  change  came  over 
these  scenes  so  beautiful.  The  town  itself  was 
deserted,  and  the  shore  of  the  lake  was  strewed 
with  the  wreck  of  buildings  which  once  were  its 
ornament  and  its  glory.     The  garden  shared  the 

**  The  earliest  instance  of  a  Garden  of  Plants  in  Europe  is  said  to 
have  been  at  Padua,  in  1545.  Carli,  Lettres  Americaines,  torn.  i. 
let.  21. 


1519]  THEY  DESCEND  INTO  THE  VALLEY    245 

fate  of  the  city.  The  retreating  waters  withdrew 
the  means  of  nourishment,  converting  the  flour- 
ishing plains  into  a  foul  and  unsightly  morass,  the 
haunt  of  loathsome  reptiles;  and  the  water-fowl 
built  her  nest  in  what  had  once  been  the  palaces 
of  princes !  ^^ 

In  the  city  of  Iztapalapan,  Cortes  took  up  his 
quarters  for  the  night.  We  may  imagine  what 
a  crowd  of  ideas  must  have  pressed  on  the  mind  of 
the  Conqueror,  as,  surrounded  by  these  evidences 
of  civilization,  he  prepared  with  his  handful  of  fol- 
lowers to  enter  the  capital  of  a  monarch  who,  as 
he  had  abundant  reason  to  know,  regarded  him 
with  distrust  and  aversion.  This  capital  was  now 
but  a  few  miles  distant,  distinctly  visible  from  Iz- 
tapalapan. And  as  its  long  lines  of  glittering 
edifices,  struck  by  the  rays  of  the  evening  sun, 
trembled  on  the  dark-blue  waters  of  the  lake,  it 
looked  like  a  thing  of  fairy  creation,  rather  than 
the  work  of  mortal  hands.  Into  this  city  of  en- 
chantment Cortes  prepared  to  make  his  entry  on 
the  following  morning.^ ^ 

'*  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ubi  supra. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2, 
lib.  7,  cap.  44.— Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap. 
13.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  5.— Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  87. 

There  Aztlan  stood  upon  the  farther  shore  ; 

Amid  the  shade  of  trees  its  dwellings  rose, 

Their  level  roofs  with  turrets  set  around. 

And  battlements  all  burnished  white,  which  shone 

Like  silver  in  the  sunshine.     I  beheld 

The  imperial  city,  her  far-circling  walls. 

Her  garden  groves  and  stately  palaces. 

Her  temples  mountain  size,  her  thousand  roofs  ; 

And  when  I  saw  her  might  and  majesty. 

My  mind  misgave  me  then." 

Southey's  Madoc,  Part  1,  canto  8. 


CHAPTER  IX 

ENVIRONS  OF  MEXICO— INTERVIEW  WITH  MONTE- 
ZUMA—ENTRANCE  INTO  THE  CAPITAL— HOS- 
PITABLE RECEPTION— VISIT  TO  THE  EMPEROR 

1519 

WITH  the  first  faint  streak  of  dawn,  the 
Spanish  general  was  up,  mustering  his  fol- 
lowers. They  gathered,  with  beating  hearts,  under 
their  respective  banners,  as  the  trumpet  sent  forth 
its  spirit-stirring  sounds  across  water  and  wood- 
land, till  they  died  away  in  distant  echoes  among 
the  mountains.  The  sacred  flames  on  the  altars 
of  numberless  teocalUs,  dimly  seen  through  the 
gray  mists  of  morning,^  indicated  the  site  of 
the  capital,  till  temple,  tower,  and  palace  were 
fully  revealed  in  the  glorious  illumination  which 
the  sun,  as  he  rose  above  the  eastern  barrier, 
poured  over  the  beautiful  Valley.  It  was  the 
eighth  of  November,  1519,  a  conspicuous  day  in 

^  [ Alaman  objects  to  my  speaking  of  the  "  gray  mists  of  morning  " 
in  connection  with  the  Aztec  capital.  "  In  the  beginning  of  Novem- 
ber," he  says,  "there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  mist  to  be  seen  m  the 
morning,  or  indeed  in  any  part  of  the  day,  in  the  Valley  of  Mexico, 
where  the  weather  is  uncommonly  bright  and  beautiful.  The  histo- 
rian," he  adds,  "  has  confounded  the  climate  of  IMexico  with  that  of 
England  or  the  United  States."  Conquista  de  M^jico  (trad,  de 
Vega),  tom.  i.  p.  337.] 

346 


1519]  ENVIRONS   OF  MEXICO  247 

history,  as  that  on  which  the  Europeans  first  set 
foot  in  the  capital  of  the  Western  World. 

Cortes  with  his  little  body  of  horse  formed  a  sort 
of  advanced  guard  to  the  army.  Then  came  the 
Spanish  infantry,  who  in  a  summer's  campaign  had 
acquired  the  discipline  and  the  weather-beaten  as- 
pect of  veterans.  The  baggage  occupied  the  cen- 
tre ;  and  the  rear  was  closed  by  the  dark  files " 
of  Tlascalan  warriors.  The  whole  number  must 
have  fallen  short  of  seven  thousand;  of  which  less 
than  four  hundred  were  Spaniards.^ 

For  a  short  distance,  the  army  kept  along  the 
narrow  tongue  of  land  that  divides  the  Tezcucan 
from  the  Chalcan  w^aters,  when  it  entered  on  the 
great  dike,  which,  with  the  exception  of  an  angle 
near  the  commencement,  stretches  in  a  perfectly 
straight  line  across  the  salt  floods  of  Tezcuco  to 
the  gates  of  the  capital.  It  was  the  same  cause- 
way, or  rather  the  basis  of  that,  which  still  forms 
the  great  southern  avenue  of  Mexico.^    The  Span- 


^  [A  Spanish  translator  incorrectly  renders  the  words  "dark  files" 
by  indisciplinadas  filas,  "  undisciplined  files."  Senor  Alaman,  cor- 
recting, in  this  instance  at  least,  the  translation  instead  of  the 
original,  objects  to  this  language.  We  may  talk,  says  the  critic,  of 
the  different  kind  of  discipline  peculiar  to  the  Tlascalans,  but  not 
of  their  want  of  discipline,  a  defect  which  can  hardly  be  charged  on 
the  most  warlike  nation  of  Anahuac.  Conquista  de  M^jico  (trad, 
de  Vega),  torn.  i.  p.  337.] 

^  He  took  about  6000  warriors  from  Tlascala;  and  some  few  of  the 
Cempoallan  and  other  Indian  allies  continued  with  him.  The  Spanish 
force  on  leaving  Vera  Cruz  amounted  to  about  400  foot  and  15  horse. 
In  the  remonstrance  of  the  disaffected  soldiers,  after  the  murderous 
Tlascalan  combats,  they  speak  of  having  lost  fifty  of  their  number 
since  the  beginning  of  the  campaign.     Ante,  vol.  ii.  p.  150. 

* "  La  calzada  d'Iztapalapan  est  fondee  sur  cette  meme  digue  an- 
cienne,  sur  laquelle  Cortez  fit  des  prodiges  de  valeur  dans  ses  rencon- 
tres avec  les  assieg^s."     (Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  57.) 


248  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

iards  had  occasion  more  than  ever  to  admire  the 
mechanical  science  of  the  Aztecs,  in  the  geometri- 
cal precision  with  which  the  work  was  executed,  as 
well  as  the  solidity  of  its  construction.  It  was  com- 
posed of  huge  stones  well  laid  in  cement,  and  wide 
enough,  throughout  its  whole  extent,  for  ten  horse- 
men to  ride  abreast. 

They  saw,  as  they  passed  along,  several  large 
towns,  resting  on  piles,  and  reaching  far  into  the 
water, — a  kind  of  architecture  which  found  great 
favor  with  the  Aztecs,  being  in  imitation  of  that 
of  their  metropolis.^  The  busy  population  ob- 
tained a  good  subsistence  from  the  manufacture 
of  salt,  which  they  extracted  from  the  waters  of 
the  great  lake.  The  duties  on  the  traffic  in  this  ar- 
ticle were  a  considerable  source  of  revenue  to  the 
crown. 

Everywhere  the  Conquerors  beheld  the  evidence 
of  a  crowded  and  thriving  population,  exceeding 
all  they  had  yet  seen.  The  temples  and  principal 
buildings  of  the  cities  were  covered  with  a  hard 
white  stucco,  which  glistened  like  enamel  in  the 
level  beams  of  the  morning.  The  margin  of  the 
great  basin  was  more  thickly  gemmed  than  that 
of  Chalco  with  towns  and  hamlets.^     The  water 

[At  present  the  road  of  Tlalplan,  or  St.  Augustine  of  the  Caves 
(San  Augustin  de  las  Cuevas).  Conquista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de 
Vega),  torn.  i.  p.  338.] 

*  Among  these  towns  were  several  containing  from  three  to  five  or 
six  thousand  dwellings,  according  to  Cortes,  whose  barbarous  orthog- 
raphy in  proper  names  will  not  easily  be  recognized  by  Mexican  or 
Spaniard.    Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  78. 

'  Father  Toribio  Benavente  does  not  stint  his  panegyric  in  speaking 
of  the  neighborhood  of  the  capital,  which  he  saw  in  its  glory.  "  Creo, 
que  en  toda   nuestra  Europa  hay  pocas   ciudades  que  tengan  tal 


15191  ENVIRONS   OF  MEXICO  249 

was  darkened  by  swarms  of  canoes  filled  with  In- 
dians/ who  clambered  up  the  sides  of  the  causeway 
and  gazed  with  curious  astonishment  on  the  stran- 
gers. And  here,  also,  they  beheld  those  fairy  isl- 
ands of  flowers,  overshadowed  occasionally  by  trees 
of  considerable  size,  rising  and  falling  with  the 
gentle  undulation  of  the  billows.  At  the  distance 
of  half  a  league  from  the  capital,  they  encountered 
a  solid  work  or  curtain  of  stone,  which  traversed 
the  dike.  It  was  twelve  feet  high,  was  strength- 
ened by  towers  at  the  extremities,  and  in  the  centre 
was  a  battlemented  gateway,  which  opened  a  pas- 
sage to  the  troops.  It  was  called  the  Fort  of 
Xoloc,  and  became  memorable  in  after-times  as  the 
position  occupied  by  Cortes  in  the  famous  siege 
of  Mexico. 

Here  they  were  met  by  several  hundred  Aztec 
chiefs,  who  came  out  to  announce  the  approach  of 
Montezuma  and  to  welcome  the  Spaniards  to  his 
capital.  They  were  dressed  in  the  fanciful  gala 
costume  of  the  country,  with  the  inaxtlatl,  or  cotton 
sash,  around  their  loins,  and  a  broad  mantle  of  the 
same  material,  or  of  the  brilliant  feather-embroid- 
ery, flowing  gracefully  down  their  shoulders.  On 
their  necks  and  arms  they  displayed  collars  and 

asiento  y  tal  comarca,  con  tantos  pueblos  a  la  redonda  de  si  y  tan 
bien  asentados."     Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7. 

'  It  is  not  necessary,  however,  to  adopt  Herrera's  account  of  50,000 
canoes,  which,  he  says,  were  constantly  employed  in  supplying  the 
capital  with  provisions!  (Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  l*.)  The 
poet-chronicler  Saavedra  is  more  modest  in  his  estimate: 

"  Dos  mil  y  mas  canoas  cada  dia 
Bastecen  el  pran  pueblo  Mexicano 
De  la  mas  y  la  menos  nifieria 
Que  es  necesario  al  alimento  humano." 

El  Peregrino  Indiano,  canto  11. 


250  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

bracelets  of  turquoise  mosaic,  with  which  delicate 
plumage  was  curiously  mingled,^  while  their  ears, 
under-lips,  and  occasionally  their  noses,  were  gar- 
nished with  pendants  formed  of  precious  stones, 
or  crescents  of  fine  gold.  As  each  cacique  made 
the  usual  formal  salutation  of  the  country  sepa- 
rately to  the  general,  the  tedious  ceremony  delayed 
the  march  more  than  an  hour.  After  this,  the 
army  experienced  no  further  interruption  till  it 
reached  a  bridge  near  the  gates  of  the  city.  It  was 
built  of  wood,  since  replaced  by  one  of  stone,  and 
was  thrown  across  an  opening  of  the  dike,  which 
furnished  an  outlet  to  the  waters  when  agitated 
by  the  winds  or  swollen  by  a  sudden  influx  in  the 
rainy  season.  It  was  a  drawbridge ;  and  the  Span- 
iards, as  they  crossed  it,  felt  how  truly  they  were 
committing  themselves  to  the  mercy  of  ]Monte- 
zuma,  who,  by  thus  cutting  off  their  communica- 
tions with  the  country,  might  hold  them  prisoners 
in  his  capital.^ 

In  the  midst  of  these  unpleasant  reflections,  they 
beheld  the  glittering  retinue  of  the  emperor  emerg- 
ing from  the  great  street  which  led  then,  as  it  still 
does,  through  the  heart  of  the  city.^*^  Amidst  a 

' "  Usaban  unos  brazaletes  de  musaico,  hechos  de  turquezas  con 
Unas  plumas  ricas  que  salian  de  ellos,  que  eran  mas  altas  que  la 
cabeza,  y  bordadas  con  plumas  ricas  y  con  oro,  y  unas  bandas  de  oro, 
que  subian  con  las  plumas."  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  lib. 
8,  cap,  9. 

•Gonzalo  de  las  Casas,  Defensa,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  24..— Gomara, 
Cr6nica,  cap.  65.— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  88.— 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  5.— Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  78,  79.— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  85. 

'"  Cardinal  Lorenzana  says,  the  street  intended  was,  probably,  that 
crossing  the  city  from  the  Hospital  of  San  Antonio.  (Rel.  Seg.  de 
Cortes,  p.  79,  nota.)    This  is  confirmed  by  Sahagun.    "  Y  asi  en  aquel 


1519]      INTERVIEW   WITH   MONTEZUMA        251 

crowd  of  Indian  nobles,  preceded  by  three  officers 
of  state  bearing  golden  wands/ ^  they  saw  the  royal 
palanquin  blazing  with  burnished  gold.  It  was 
borne  on  the  shoulders  of  nobles,  and  over  it  a 
canopy  of  gaudy  feather-work,  powdered  with 
jewels  and  fringed  with  silver,  was  supported  by 
four  attendants  of  the  same  rank.  They  were  bare- 
footed, and  walked  with  a  slow,  measured  pace, 
and  with  eyes  bent  on  the  ground.  When  the  train 
had  come  witliin  a  convenient  distance,  it  halted, 
and  Montezuma,  descending  from  his  litter,  came 
forward,  leaning  on  the  arms  of  the  lords  of  Tez- 
cuco  and  Iztapalapan,  his  nephew  and  brother, 
both  of  whom,  as  we  have  seen,  had  already 
been  made  known  to  the  Spaniards.  As  the 
monarch  advanced  under  the  canopy,  the  obse- 
quious attendants  strewed  the  ground  with  cotton 
tapestry,  that  his  imperial  feet  might  not  be  con- 
taminated by  the  rude  soil.  His  subjects  of  high 
and  low  degree,  who  lined  the  sides  of  the  cause- 
way, bent  forward  with  their  eyes  fastened  on  the 
ground  as  he  passed,  and  some  of  the  humbler  class 
prostrated  themselves  before  him.^'    Such  was  the 

trecho  que  estd  desde  la  Iglesia  de  San  Antonio  (que  ellos  llaman 
Xuluco)  que  va  por  cave  las  casas  de  Alvarado,  hdcia  el  Hospital  de 
la  Concepcion,  sali6  Moctezuma  A  recibir  de  paz  a  D.  Hernando 
Cortes."  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  16.  [The  present 
Calle  del  Rastro,  which  continues,  under  different  names,  from  the 
guard-house  of  San  Antonio  Abad  to  the  Plaza.  According  to  an 
early  tradition,  Montezuma  and  Cortes  met  in  front  of  the  spot 
where  the  Hospital  of  Jesus  now  stands,  and  the  site  for  the  building 
was  chosen  on  that  account.  Conquista  de  M^jico  (trad,  de  Vega), 
torn.  i.  p.  339.] 

"Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS. 

^- "  Toda  la  gente  que  estaba  en  las  calles  se  le  humiliaban  y  hacian 
profunda  reverencia  y  grande  acatamiento  sin  levantar  los  ojos  d  le 


252  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

homage  paid  to  the  Indian  despot,  showing  that 
the  slavish  forms  of  Oriental  adulation  were  to  be 
found  among  the  rude  inhabitants  of  the  Western 
World. 

Montezuma  wore  the  girdle  and  ample  square 
cloak,  tilmatli,  of  his  nation.  It  was  made  of  the 
finest  cotton,  with  the  embroidered  ends  gathered 
in  a  knot  round  his  neck.  His  feet  were  defended 
by  sandals  having  soles  of  gold,  and  the  leathern 
thongs  which  bound  them  to  his  ankles  were  em- 
bossed with  the  same  metal.  Both  the  cloak  and 
sandals  were  sprinkled  with  pearls  and  precious 
stones,  among  which  the  emerald  and  the  chalchi- 
vitl—a  green  stone  of  higher  estimation  than  any- 
other  among  the  Aztecs — were  conspicuous.  On 
his  head  he  wore  no  other  ornament  than  a  panache 
of  plumes  of  the  royal  green,  which  floated  down 
his  back,  the  badge  of  military,  rather  than  of 
regal,  rank. 

He  was  at  this  time  about  forty  years  of  age. 
His  person  was  tall  and  thin,  but  not  ill  made.  His 
hair,  which  was  black  and  straight,  was  not  very 
long;  to  wear  it  short  was  considered  unbecoming 
persons  of  rank.  His  beard  was  thin;  his  com- 
plexion somewhat  paler  than  is  often  found  in  his 
dusky,  or  rather  copper-colored,  race.  His  fea- 
tures, though  serious  in  their  expression,  did  not 
wear  the  look  of  melancholy,  indeed,  of  dejection, 
which  characterizes  his  portrait,  and  which  may 
well  have  settled  on  them  at  a  later  period.     He 

mirar,  sino  que  todos  estaban  hasta  que  el  era  pasado,  tan  inclinadcs 
como  frayles  en  Gloria  Patri."  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indlos,  MS., 
Parte  3,  cap.  7. 


1519]      INTERVIEW  WITH   MONTEZUMA         253 

moved  with  dignity,  and  his  whole  demeanor,  tem- 
pered by  an  expression  of  benignity  not  to  have 
been  anticipated  from  the  reports  circulated  of  his 
character,  was  worthy  of  a  great  prince.  Such  is 
the  portrait  left  to  us  of  the  celebrated  Indian  em- 
peror in  this  his  first  interview  with  the  white 
men.^^ 

The  army  halted  as  he  drew  near.  Cortes,  dis- 
mounting, threw  his  reins  to  a  page,  and,  supported 
by  a  few  of  the  principal  cavaliers,  advanced  to 
meet  him.  The  interview  must  have  been  one  of 
uncommon  interest  to  both.  In  Montezuma,  Cor- 
tes beheld  the  lord  of  the  broad  realms  he  had  trav- 
ersed, whose  magnificence  and  power  had  been 
the  burden  of  every  tongue.  In  the  Spaniard,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  Aztec  prince  saw  the  strange 
being  whose  history  seemed  to  be  so  mysteriously 
connected  with  his  own;  the  predicted  one  of  his 
oracles;  whose  achievements  proclaimed  him  some- 
thing more  than  human.    But,  whatever  may  have 

"  For  the  preceding  account  of  the  equipage  and  appearance  of 
Montezuma,  see  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  88,— Carta 
de  Zuazo,  MS., — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  85, — Gomara, 
Cronica,  cap.  65, — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  ubi  supra,  et  cap. 
45, — Acosta,  lib.  7,  cap.  22, — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS., 
lib.  12,  cap.  16, — Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7. — 
The  noble  Castilian  or  rather  Mexican  bard,  Saavedra,  who  belonged 
to  the  generation  after  the  Conquest,  has  introduced  most  of  the 
particulars  in  his  rhyming  chronicle.  The  following  specimen  will 
probably  suffice  for  the  reader: 

"  Yva  el  gran  Mote<;uma  atauiado 
De  tnanta  a9ul  y  blanca  con  gran  falda, 
De  algodon  niuy  sutil  y  delicado, 

Y  al  remate  vna  conclia  de  esmcralda; 
En  la  parte  que  el  nudo  tiene  dado, 

Y  una  tiara  a  modo  de  guirnalda, 
Zapatos  que  de  oro  son  las  suelas 
Asidos  con  muy  ricas  correhuelas." 

El  Peregrino  Indiano,  canto  11. 


254  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

been  the  monarch's  feelings,  he  so  far  suppressed 
them  as  to  receive  his  guest  with  princely  cour- 
tesy, and  to  express  his  satisfaction  at  personally 
seeing  him  in  his  capital.^  ^  Cortes  responded  by 
the  most  profound  expression  of  respect,  while  he 
made  ample  acknowledgments  for  the  substantial 
proofs  which  the  emperor  had  given  the  Spaniards 
of  his  munificence.  He  then  hung  round  Monte- 
zuma's neck  a  sparkling  chain  of  colored  crystal, 
accompanying  this  with  a  movement  as  if  to  em- 
brace him,  when  he  was  restrained  by  the  two  Aztec 
lords,  shocked  at  the  menaced  profanation  of  the 
sacred  person  of  their  master/^  After  the  inter- 
change of  these  civilities,  Montezuma  appointed 
his  brother  to  conduct  the  Spaniards  to  their  resi- 
dence in  the  capital,  and,  again  entering  his  litter, 
was  borne  off  amidst  prostrate  crowds  in  the  same 
state  in  which  he  had  come.  The  Spaniards 
quickly  followed,  and,  with  colors  flying  and  music 
playing,  soon  made  their  entrance  into  the  south- 
ern quarter  of  Tenochtitlan.^^ 

Here,  again,  they  found  fresh  cause  for  admira- 
tion in  the  grandeur  of  the  city  and  the  superior 
style  of  its  architecture.  The  dwellings  of  the 
poorer  class  were,  indeed,  chiefly  of  reeds  and  mud. 
But  the  great  avenue  through  which  they  were  now 
marching  was  lined  with  the  houses  of  the  nobles. 


" "  Satis  vultu  laeto,"  says  Martyr,  "  an  stomacho  sedatus,  et  an 
hospites  per  vim  quis  unquam  libens  susceperit,  expert!  loquantur." 
De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  3. 

"  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  79. 

"  "  Entrdron  en  la  ciudad  de  M^jico  d  punto  de  guerra,  tocando  los 
atambores,  y  con  banderas  desplegadas,"  etc.  Sahagun,  Hist,  de 
Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  15. 


1519]       ENTRANCE  INTO  THE  CAPITAL        255 

who  were  encouraged  by  the  emperor  to  make  the 
capital  their  residence.  They  were  built  of  a  red 
porous  stone  drawn  from  quarries  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, and,  though  they  rarely  rose  to  a  second 
story,  often  covered  a  large  space  of  ground.  The 
flat  roofs,  azoteas,  were  protected  by  stone  para- 
pets, so  that  every  house  was  a  fortress.  Some- 
times these  roofs  resembled  parterres  of  flowers, 
so  thickly  were  they  covered  with  them,  but  more 
frequently  these  were  cultivated  in  broad  terraced 
gardens,  laid  out  between  the  edifices.^  ^  Occa- 
sionally a  great  square  or  market-place  intervened, 
surrounded  by  its  porticoes  of  stone  and  stucco; 
or  a  pyramidal  temple  reared  its  colossal  bulk, 
crowned  with  its  tapering  sanctuaries,  and  altars 
blazing  with  inextinguishable  fires.  The  great 
street  facing  the  southern  causeway,  unlike  most 
others  in  the  place,  was  wide,  and  extended  some 
miles  in  nearly  a  straight  line,  as  before  noticed, 
through  the  centre  of  the  city.  A  spectator  stand- 
ing at  one  end  of  it,  as  his  eye  ranged  along  the 
deep  vista  of  temples,  terraces,  and  gardens,  might 
clearly  discern  the  other,  with  the  blue  mountains 
in  the  distance,  which,  in  the  transparent  atmos- 
phere of  the  table-land,  seemed  almost  in  contact 
with  the  buildings. 

But  what  most  impressed  the  Spaniards  was  the 
throngs  of  people  who  swarmed  through  the  streets 
and  on  the  canals,  filling  every  door-way  and 
window  and  clustering  on  the  roofs  of  the  build- 
ings.    "  I  well  remember  the  spectacle,"  exclaims 

"  "  Et  giardini  alti  et  bassi,  che  era  cosa  maravigliosa  da  vedere." 
Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  309, 


256  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

Bernal  Diaz:  "  it  seems  now,  after  so  many  years, 
as  present  to  my  mind  as  if  it  were  but  yester- 
day." ^^  But  what  must  have  been  the  sensation 
of  the  Aztecs  themselves,  as  they  looked  on  the  por- 
tentous pageant!  as  they  heard,  now  for  the  first 
time,  the  well-cemented  pavement  ring  under  the 
iron  tramp  of  the  horses, — the  strange  animals 
which  fear  had  clothed  in  such  supernatural  ter- 
rors; as  they  gazed  on  the  children  of  the  East,  re- 
vealing their  celestial  origin  in  their  fair  complex- 
ions ;  saw  the  bright  falchions  and  bonnets  of  steel, 
a  metal  to  them  unknown,  glancing  like  meteors  in 
the  sun,  while  sounds  of  unearthly  music— at  least, 
such  as  their  rude  instruments  had  never  wakened 
— floated  in  the  air!  But  every  other  emotion  was 
lost  in  that  of  deadly  hatred,  when  they  beheld 
their  detested  enemy  the  Tlascalan  stalking,  in  de- 
fiance, as  it  were,  through  their  streets,  and  staring 
around  with  looks  of  ferocity  and  wonder,  like 
some  wild  animal  of  the  forest  who  had  strayed  by 
chance  from  his  native  fastnesses  into  the  haunts 
of  civilization/^ 

As  they  passed  down  the  spacious  street,  the 
troops    repeatedly    traversed    bridges    suspended 

""  (jQuien  podra,"  exclaims  the  old  soldier,  "  dezir  la  multitud  de 
hombres,  y  mugeres,  y  muchachos,  que  estauan  en  las  calles,  e  a^u- 
teas,  y  en  Canoas  en  aquellas  acequias,  que  nos  salian  d  mirar?  Era 
cosa  de  notar,  que  agora  que  lo  estoy  escriuiendo,  se  me  representa 
todo  delante  de  mis  ojos,  como  si  ayer  fuera  quando  esto  pass6." 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  88. 

"  "  Ad  spectaculum,"  says  the  penetrating  Martyr,  "  tandem  His- 
panis  placidum,  quia  diu  optatum,  Tenustiatanis  prudentibus  forte 
aliter,  quia  verentur  fore,  vt  hi  hospites  quietem  suam  Elysiam 
veniant  perturbaturi;  de  populo  secus,  qui  nil  sentit  aeque  delectabile, 
quam  res  novas  ante  oculos  in  presentiarum  habere,  de  futuro  nihil 
anxius."     De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  3. 


1519]  HOSPITABLE   RECEPTION  257 

above  canals,  along  which  they  saw  the  Indian 
barks  gliding  swiftly  with  their  little  cargoes  of 
fruits  and  vegetables  for  the  markets  of  Tenoch- 
titlan.^**  At  length  they  halted  before  a  broad  area 
near  the  centre  of  the  city,  where  rose  the  huge 
pyramidal  pile  dedicated  to  the  patron  war-god  of 
the  Aztecs,  second  only,  in  size  as  well  as  sanctity, 
to  the  temple  of  Cholula,  and  covering  the  same 
ground  now  in  part  occupied  by  the  great  cathe- 
dral of  Mexico.^  ^ 

Facing  the  western  gate  of  the  enclosure  of  the 
temple,  stood  a  low  range  of  stone  buildings, 
spreading  over  a  wide  extent  of  ground,  the  pal- 
ace of  Axayacatl,  Montezuma's  father,  built  by 
that  monarch  about  fifty  years  before.^^  It  was 
appropriated  as  the  barracks  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  emperor  himself  was  in  the  court-yard,  wait- 
ing to   receive   them.      Approaching   Cortes,   he 

'"  The  euphonious  name  of  Tenochtitlan  is  commonly  derived  from 
Aztec  words  signifying  "  the  tuna,  or  cactus,  on  a  rock,"  the  appear- 
ance of  which,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  was  to  determine  the 
site  of  the  future  capital.  (Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  Parte  3, 
cap.  7. — Esplic,  de  la  Coleccion  de  Mendoza,  ap.  Antiq.  of  Mexico, 
vol.  iv.)  Another  etymology  derives  the  word  from  Tenoch,  the 
name  of  one  of  the  founders  of  the  monarchy. 

"  ["  Por  algunos  manuscritos  que  he  consultado  €  investigaciones 
que  he  hecho,  me  inclino  a  creer,  que  el  templo  se  estendia  desde  la 
esquina  de  la  calle  de  Plateros  y  Empedradillo  hasta  la  de  Cordo- 
banes;  y  de  P.  d  O.,  desde  el  tercio  6  cuarto  de  la  placeta  del  Empe- 
dradillo, hasta  penetrar  unas  cuantas  varas  hacia  el  O.,  dentro  de  las 
aceras  que  miran  al  P.,  y  forman  las  calles  del  Seminario  y  del 
Belox."    Ramirez,  Notas  y  Esclarecimientos,  p.  103.] 

"Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  iii.  p.  78. — It  occupied  what 
is  now  the  corner  of  the  streets  "  Del  Indio  Triste  "  and  "  Tacuba."  * 
Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordillferes,  p.  7,  et  seq. 

*  [Consequently,  says  Alaman,  it  must  have  faced  the  east,  not 
the  west  gate  of  the  Temple.  Conquista  de  M^jico,  torn.  i.  p.  343. 
-K.] 


258  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

took  from  a  vase  of  flowers,  borne  by  one  of  his 
slaves,  a  massy  collar,  in  which  the  shell  of  a 
species  of  crawfish,  much  prized  by  the  Indians, 
was  set  in  gold  and  connected  by  heavy  links  of 
the  same  metal.  From  this  chain  depended  eight 
ornaments,  also  of  gold,  made  in  resemblance  of 
the  same  shell-fish,  a  span  in  length  each,  and  of 
delicate  workmanship ;  "^  for  the  Aztec  gold- 
smiths were  confessed  to  have  shown  skill  in  their 
craft  not  inferior  to  their  brethren  of  Europe.^^ 
Montezuma,  as  he  hung  the  gorgeous  collar  round 
the  general's  neck,  said,  "  This  palace  belongs  to 
you,  Malinche  "  ^^  (the  epithet  by  which  he  al- 
ways addressed  him),  "  and  your  brethren.  Rest 
after  your  fatigues,  for  you  have  much  need  to 
do  so,  and  in  a  little  while  I  will  visit  you  again." 
So  saying,  he  withdrew  with  his  attendants,  evinc- 
ing in  this  act  a  delicate  consideration  not  to  have 
been  expected  in  a  barbarian. 

Cortes'  first  care  was  to  inspect  his  new  quar- 
ters. The  building,  though  spacious,  was  low, 
consisting  of  one  floor,  except,  indeed,  in  the  cen- 
tre, where  it  rose  to  an  additional  story.     The 

*•  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  88.— Gonzalo  de  las  Casas, 
Defensa,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  24. 

"  Boturini  says,  greater,  by  the  acknowledgment  of  the  gold- 
smiths themselves.  "  Los  plateros  de  Madrid,  viendo  algunas  Pie- 
zas,  y  Brazaletes  de  oro,  con  que  se  armaban  en  guerra  los  Reyes, 
y  Capitanes  Indianos,  confessaron,  que  eran  inimitables  en  Europa." 
(Idea,  p.  78.)  And  Oviedo,  speaking  of  their  work  in  jewelry,  re- 
marks, "  lo  vi  algunas  piedras  jaspes,  calcidonias,  jacintos,  corniolas, 
^  plasmas  de  esmeraldas,  e  otras  de  otras  especies  labradas  6  fechas, 
cabezas  de  Aves,  €  otras  hechas  animales  e  otras  figuras,  que  dudo 
haber  en  Espaiia  ni  en  Italia  quien  las  supiera  hacer  con  tanta  per- 
ficion."     Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  11. 

^  Ante,  vol.  ii.  p.  175. 


1519]  HOSPITABLE  RECEPTION  259 

apartments  were  of  great  size,  and  afforded  ac- 
commodations, according  to  the  testimony  of  the 
Conquerors  themselves,  for  the  whole  army !  ^^ 
The  hardy  mountaineers  of  Tlascala  were,  proba- 
bly, not  very  fastidious,  and  might  easily  find  a 
shelter  in  the  out-buildings,  or  under  temporary 
awnings  in  the  ample  court-yards.  The  best 
apartments  were  hung  with  gay  cotton  draperies, 
the  floors  covered  with  mats  or  rushes.  There 
were,  also,  low  stools  made  of  single  pieces  of 
wood  elaborately  carved,  and  in  most  of  the  apart- 
ments beds  made  of  the  palm-leaf,  woven  into  a 
thick  mat,  with  coverlets,  and  sometimes  canopies, 
of  cotton.  These  mats  were  the  only  beds  used 
by  the  natives,  whether  of  high  or  low  degree. ^^ 
After  a  rapid  survey  of  this  gigantic  pile,  the 
general  assigned  his  troops  their  respective  quar- 
ters, and  took  as  vigilant  precautions  for  security 
as  if  he  had  anticipated  a  siege  instead  of  a 
friendly  entertainment.  The  place  was  encom- 
passed by  a  stone  wall  of  considerable  thickness, 
with  towers  or  heavy  buttresses  at  intervals,  af- 
fording a  good  means  of  defence.  He  planted 
his  cannon  so  as  to  command  the  approaches,  sta- 
tioned his  sentinels  along  the  works,  and,  in  short, 
enforced  in  every  respect  as  strict  military  disci- 
pline as  had  been  observed  in  any  part  of  the 
march.  He  well  knew  the  importance  to  his  little 
band,  at  least  for  the  present,  of  conciliating  the 


'"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  88.— Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  80. 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib. 
83,  cap.  5. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  16. 


260  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

good  will  of  the  citizens;  and,  to  avoid  all  possi- 
bility of  collision,  he  prohibited  any  soldier  from 
leaving  his  quarters  without  orders,  under  pain  of 
death.  Having  taken  these  precautions,  he  al- 
lowed his  men  to  partake  of  the  bountiful  colla- 
tion which  had  been  prepared  for  them. 

They  had  been  long  enough  in  the  country  to 
become  reconciled  to,  if  not  to  relish,  the  peculiar 
cooking  of  the  Aztecs.  The  appetite  of  the  sol- 
dier is  not  often  dainty,  and  on  the  present  occa- 
sion it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  Spaniards  did 
full  justice  to  the  savory  productions  of  the  royal 
kitchen.  During  the  meal  they  were  served  by 
numerous  Mexican  slaves,  who  were,  indeed,  dis- 
tributed through  the  palace,  anxious  to  do  the 
bidding  of  the  strangers.  After  the  repast  was 
concluded,  and  they  had  taken  their  siesta,  not 
less  important  to  a  Spaniard  than  food  itself,  the 
presence  of  the  emperor  was  again  announced. 

Montezuma  was  attended  by  a  few  of  his  prin- 
cipal nobles.  He  was  received  with  much  defer- 
ence by  Cortes;  and,  after  the  parties  had  taken 
their  seats,  a  conversation  commenced  between 
them,  through  the  aid  of  Dona  Marina,  while  the 
cavaliers  and  Aztec  chieftains  stood  around  in  re- 
spectful silence. 

Montezuma  made  many  inquiries  concerning 
the  country  of  the  Spaniards,  their  sovereign,  the 
nature  of  his  government,  and  especially  their 
own  motives  in  visiting  Anahuac.  Cortes  ex- 
plained these  motives  by  the  desire  to  see  so  dis- 
tinguished a  monarch  and  to  declare  to  him  the 
true  Faith  professed  by  the   Christians.     With 


1519]  HOSPITABLE    RECEPTION  261 

rare  discretion,  he  contented  himself  with  drop- 
ping this  hint,  for  the  present,  allowing  it  to  ripen 
in  the  mind  of  the  emperor,  till  a  future  confer- 
ence. The  latter  asked  whether  those  white  men 
who  in  the  preceding  year  had  landed  on  the  east- 
ern shores  of  his  empire  were  their  countrymen. 
He  showed  himself  well  informed  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Spaniards  from  their  arrival  in  Ta- 
basco to  the  present  time,  information  of  which 
had  been  regularly  transmitted  in  the  hiero- 
glyphical  paintings.  He  was  curious,  also,  in 
regard  to  the  rank  of  his  visitors  in  their  own 
country;  inquiring  if  they  were  the  kinsmen  of 
the  sovereign.  Cortes  replied,  they  were  kinsmen 
of  one  another,  and  subjects  of  their  great  mon- 
arch, who  held  them  all  in  peculiar  estimation. 
Before  his  departure,  Montezuma  made  himself 
acquainted  with  the  names  of  the  principal  cava- 
liers, and  the  position  they  occupied  in  the  army. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  interview,  the  Aztec 
prince  commanded  his  attendants  to  bring  for- 
ward the  presents  prepared  for  his  guests.  They 
consisted  of  cotton  dresses,  enough  to  supply 
every  man,  it  is  said,  including  the  allies,  with  a 
suit!^^    And  he  did  not  fail  to  add  the  usual  ac- 

^"  "  Muchas  y  diversas  Joyas  de  Oro,  y  Plata,  y  Plumajcs,  y  con 
fasta  cinco  6  seis  mil  Piezas  de  Ropa  de  Alpodoii  muy  ricas,  y  de 
diversas  maneras  texida,  y  labrada."  (licl.  Sep.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Ixi- 
renzana,  p.  80.)  Even  this  falls  short  of  truth,  according  to  Diaz. 
"Tenia  apercebido  el  gran  Monte<;unia  muy  ricas  joyas  de  oro,  y  de 
muchas  hechuras,  que  dio  &  nuestro  Capitan,  <^  assf  mismo  d  cada 
vno  de  nuestros  Capitanes  di6  cositas  de  oro,  y  tres  carpas  de  inantas 
de  labores  ricas  de  pluma,  y  entre  todos  los  soldados  tnmiiien  nos 
di6  d  cada  vno  d  dos  carpas  de  mantas,  con  aleprfa,  y  en  todo 
parecia  gran  senor."  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  89.)  "Sex  millia 
vestium,  aiunt  qui  eas  videre."    Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  3. 


262  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

companiment  of  gold  chains  and  other  ornaments, 
which  he  distributed  in  profusion  among  the 
Spaniards.  He  then  withdrew  with  the  same 
ceremony  with  which  he  had  entered,  leaving 
every  one  deeply  impressed  with  his  munificence 
and  his  affability,  so  unlike  what  they  had  been 
taught  to  expect  by  what  they  now  considered  an 
invention  of  the  enemy.^^ 

That  evening  the  Spaniards  celebrated  their  ar- 
rival in  the  Mexican  capital  by  a  general  dis- 
charge of  artillery.  The  thunders  of  the  ord- 
nance, reverberating  among  the  buildings  and 
shaking  them  to  their  foundations,  the  stench  of 
the  sulphureous  vapor  that  rolled  in  volumes  above 
the  walls  of  the  encampment,  reminding  the  in- 
habitants of  the  explosions  of  the  great  volcan, 
filled  the  hearts  of  the  superstitious  Aztecs  with 
dismay.  It  proclaimed  to  them  that  their  city 
held  in  its  bosom  those  dread  beings  whose  path 
had  been  marked  with  desolation,  and  who  could 
call  down  the  thunderbolts  to  consume  their  ene- 
mies! It  was  doubtless  the  policy  of  Cortes  to 
strengthen  this  superstitious  feeling  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, and  to  impress  the  natives,  at  the  outset, 
with  a  salutary  awe  of  the  supernatural  powers 
of  the  Spaniards.^'^ 

^  IxtlilxochitI,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  85.— Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap. 
66. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  6. — Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  88. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib. 
33,  cap.  5. 

'""La  noche  siguiente  jugaron  la  artillen'a  por  la  solemnidad  de 
haber  Uegado  sin  dano  a  donde  deseaban;  pero  los  Indies  como  no 
usados  a  los  truenos  de  la  artilleria,  mal  edor  de  la  p61vora,  reci- 
bieron  grande  alteracion  y  miedo  toda  aquella  noche."  Sahagun, 
Hist,  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  15,  cap.  17. 


1519]  VISIT  TO  THE   EMPEROR  263 

On  the  following  morning,  the  general  re- 
quested permission  to  return  the  emperor's  visit, 
by  waiting  on  him  in  his  palace.  This  was  readily 
granted,  and  IVIontezuma  sent  his  officers  to  con- 
duct the  Spaniards  to  his  presence.  Cortes 
dressed  himself  in  his  richest  habit,  and  left  the 
quarters  attended  by  Alvarado,  Sandoval,  Velas- 
quez, and  Ordaz,  together  with  five  or  six  of  the 
common  file. 

The  royal  habitation  was  at  no  great  distance. 
It  stood  on  the  ground,  to  the  southwest  of  the  ca- 
thedral, since  covered  in  part  by  the  Casa  del  Es- 
tado,  the  palace  of  the  dukes  of  Monteleone,  the 
descendants  of  Cortes.^^  It  was  a  vast,  irregular 
pile  of  low  stone  buildings,  like  that  garrisoned 
by  the  Spaniards.^^  So  spacious  was  it,  indeed, 
that,  as  one  of  the  Conquerors  assures  us,  although 
he  had  visited  it  more  than  once,  for  the  express 
purpose,  he  had  been  too  much  fatigued  each  time 
by  wandering  through  the  apartments  ever  to  see 
the  whole  of  it.^^  It  was  built  of  the  red  porous 
stone  of  the  country,  tetzontli,  was  ornamented 

•^ "  C'est  \k  que  la  famille  construisit  le  bel  Edifice  dans  lequel  se 
trouvent  les  archives  del  Estado,  et  qui  est  passe  avec  tout  I'h^ritage 
au  due  Napolitain  de  Monteleone."  (Humboldt,  Essai  politique, 
torn.  ii.  p.  72.)  The  inhabitants  of  modern  Mexico  have  large  obliga- 
tions to  this  inquisitive  traveller  for  the  care  he  has  taken  to  identify 
the  memorable  localities  of  their  capital.  It  is  not  often  that  a 
philosophical  treatise  is  also  a  good  manuel  du  voyageur. 

'^  [The  palace  of  Montezuma,  according  to  Ramirez,  "  occupied 
the  site  where  the  national  palace  now  stands,  including  that  of  the 
university  and  the  adjacent  houses,  and  extending  to  the  Plaza  del 
Volador,  or  new  market-place.  This  was  the  ordinary  residence  of 
the  last  Montezuma,  and  the  place  where  he  was  actually  made 
prisoner."     Notas  y  Esclarecimientos,  p.  103.] 

"* "  Et  io  entrai  piii  di  quattro  volte  in  una  casa  del  gran  Signer 
non  per  altro  effetto  che  per  vederla,  et  ogni  volta  vi  camminauo 


264i  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

with  marble,  and  on  the  f a9ade  over  the  principal 
entrance  were  sculptured  the  arms  or  device  of 
Montezuma,*  an  eagle  bearing  an  ocelot  in  liis 
talons.^^ 

In  the  courts  through  which  the  Spaniards 
passed,  fountains  of  crystal  water  were  playing, 
fed  from  the  copious  reservoir  on  the  distant  hill 
of  Chapoltepec,  and  supplying  in  their  turn  more 
than  a  hundred  baths  in  the  interior  of  the  palace. 
Crowds  of  Aztec  nobles  were  sauntering  up  and 
down  in  these  squares,  and  in  the  outer  halls,  loi- 
tering away  their  hours  in  attendance  on  the 
court.  The  apartments  were  of  immense  size, 
though  not  lofty.  The  ceilings  were  of  various 
sorts  of  odoriferous  wood  ingeniously  carved;  the 
floors  covered  with  mats  of  the  palm-leaf.  The 
walls  were  hung  with  cotton  richly  stained,  with 
the  skins  of  wild  animals,  or  gorgeous  draperies 
of  feather-work  wrought  in  imitation  of  birds, 
insects,  and  flowers,  with  the  nice  art  and  glowing 
radiance  of  colors  that  might  compare  w^th  the 
tapestries  of  Flanders.  Clouds  of  incense  rolled 
up  from  censers  and  difl'used  intoxicating  odors 
through  the  apartments.  The  Spaniards  might 
well  have  fancied  themselves  in  the  voluptuous 

tanto  che  mi  stancauo,  et  mai  la  fini  di  vedere  tutta."  Rel.  d'un 
gentir  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  309. 

"Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  71. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7, 
cap.  9. — The  authorities  call  it  "  tiger,"  an  animal  not  known  in 
America.  I  have  ventured  to  substitute  the  "ocelot,"  tlalocelotl  of 
Mexico,  a  native  animal,  which,  being  of  the  same  family,  might 
easily  be  confounded  by  the  Spaniards  with  the  tiger  of  the  Old 
Continent. 

*  [The  totem  or  "  beast  symbol ''  of  the  clan  to  which  it  be- 
longed.—M.] 


1519]  VISIT   TO   THE   EMPEROR  265 

precincts  of  an  Eastern  harem,  instead  of  tread- 
ing the  halls  of  a  wild  barbaric  chief  in  the  West- 
ern World.^^ 

On  reaching  the  hall  of  audience,  the  Mexican 
officers  took  off  their  sandals,  and  covered  their 
gay  attire  with  a  mantle  of  nequen,  a  coarse  stuff 
made  of  the  fibres  of  the  maguey,  worn  only  by 
the  poorest  classes.  This  act  of  humiliation  was 
imposed  on  all,  except  the  members  of  his  own 
family,  who  approached  the  sovereign.^*'  Thus 
bare-footed,  with  downcast  eyes  and  formal  obei- 
sance, they  ushered  the  Spaniards  into  the  royal 
presence. 

They  found  Montezuma  seated  at  the  further 
end  of  a  spacious  saloon  and  surrounded  by  a  few 
of  his  favorite  chiefs.  He  received  them  kindly, 
and  very  soon  Cortes,  without  much  ceremony, 
entered  on  the  subject  which  was  uppermost  in 
his  thoughts.  He  was  fully  aware  of  the  impor- 
tance of  gaining  the  royal  convert,  whose  example 
would  have  such  an  influence  on  the  conversion 
of  his  people.  The  general,  therefore,  prepared 
to  display  the  whole  store  of  his  theological  sci- 

*'  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7.— Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  2,  lib,  7,  cap.  9. — Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  71. — Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  91. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  5,  46. — Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  111-114. 

s6 «  Para  entrar  en  su  palacio,  d  que  ellos  Uaman  Tecpa,  todos  se 
descalzaban,  y  los  que  entraban  a  negociar  con  ^1  habian  de  llevar 
mantas  groseras  encima  de  si,  y  si  eran  grandes  senores  6  en  tiempo 
de  frio,  sobre  las  mantas  buenas  que  llevaban  vestidas,  ponian  una 
manta  grosera  y  pobre;  y  para  hablarle,  estaban  muy  humiliados  y 
sin  levantar  los  ojos."  (Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  3, 
cap.  7.)  There  is  no  better  authority  than  this  worthy  missionary 
for  the  usages  of  the  ancient  Aztecs,  of  which  he  had  such  large  per- 
sonal knowledge. 


266  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

ence,  with  the  most  winning  arts  of  rhetoric  he 
could  command,  while  the  interpretation  was  con- 
veyed through  the  silver  tones  of  IVIarina,  as  in- 
separable from  him,  on  these  occasions,  as  his 
shadow. 

He  set  forth,  as  clearly  as  he  could,  the  ideas 
entertained  by  the  Church  in  regard  to  the  holy 
mysteries  of  the  Trinity,  the  Incarnation,  and  the 
Atonement.  From  this  he  ascended  to  the  origin 
of  things,  the  creation  of  the  world,  the  first  pair, 
paradise,  and  the  fall  of  man.  He  assured  Mon- 
tezuma that  the  idols  he  worshipped  were  Satan 
under  different  forms.  A  sufficient  proof  of  it 
was  the  bloody  sacrifices  they  imposed,  which  he 
contrasted  with  the  pure  and  simple  rite  of  the 
mass.  Their  worship  would  sink  him  in  perdition. 
It  was  to  snatch  his  soul,  and  the  souls  of  his  peo- 
ple, from  the  flames  of  eternal  fire  by  opening  to 
them  a  purer  faith,  that  the  Christians  had  come 
to  his  land.  And  he  earnestly  besought  him  not 
to  neglect  the  occasion,  but  to  secure  his  salvation 
by  embracing  the  Cross,  the  great  sign  of  human 
redemption. 

The  eloquence  of  the  preacher  was  wasted  on 
the  insensible  heart  of  his  royal  auditor.  It  doubt- 
less lost  somewhat  of  its  efficacy,  strained  through 
the  imperfect  interpretation  of  so  recent  a  neo- 
phyte as  the  Indian  damsel.  But  the  doctrines  were 
too  abstruse  in  themselves  to  be  comprehended  at  a 
glance  by  the  rude  intellect  of  a  barbarian.  And 
Montezuma  may  have,  perhaps,  thought  it  was 
not  more  monstrous  to  feed  on  the  flesh  of  a  fel- 
low-creature than  on  that  of  the   Creator  him- 


1519]  VISIT  TO  THE  EMPEROR  267 

self.^"^  He  was,  besides,  steeped  in  the  supersti- 
tions of  his  country  from  his  cradle.  He  had  been 
educated  in  the  straitest  sect  of  her  rehgion,  had 
been  himself  a  priest  before  his  election  to  the 
throne,  and  was  now  the  head  both  of  the  religion 
and  the  state.  Little  probability  was  there  that 
such  a  man  would  be  open  to  argument  or  per- 
suasion, even  from  the  lips  of  a  more  practised 
polemic  than  the  Spanish  commander.  How 
could  he  abjure  the  faith  that  was  intertwined 
with  the  dearest  affections  of  his  heart  and  the 
very  elements  of  his  being?  How  could  he  be 
false  to  the  gods  who  had  raised  him  to  such  pros- 
perity and  honors,  and  whose  shrines  were  in- 
trusted to  his  especial  keeping? 

He  listened,  however,  with  silent  attention,  un- 
til the  general  had  concluded  his  homily.  He 
then  replied  that  he  knew  the  Spaniards  had 
held  this  discourse  wherever  they  had  been.  He 
doubted  not  their  God  was,  as  they  said,  a  good 
being.  His  gods,  also,  were  good  to  him.  Yet 
what  his  visitor  said  of  the  creation  of  the  world 
was  like  what  he  had  been  taught  to  believe.^^  It 
was  not  worth  while  to  discourse  further  of  the 
matter.    His  ancestors,  he  said,  were  not  the  origi- 

"  The  ludicrous  effect— if  the  subject  be  not  too  jjrave  to  justify 
the  expression — of  a  literal  belief  in  the  doctrine  of  transubstantia- 
tion  in  the  mother-country,  even  at  this  day,  is  well  illustrated  by 
Blanco  White,  Letters  from  Spain  (London,  1823),  let.  1. 

'" "  Y  en  esso  de  la  creacion  del  mundo  assi  lo  tenemos  nosotros 
creido  muchos  tiempos  passados."  (Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  90.)  For  some  points  of  resemblance  between  the  Aztec 
and  Hebrew  traditions,  see  Book  1,  chap.  3,  and  the  essay  on  The 
Origin  of  the  Mexican  Civilization,  at  the  end  of  the  first  book  of 
this  History. 


268  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

nal  proprietors  of  the  land.  They  had  occupied  it 
but  a  few  ages,  and  had  been  led  there  by  a  great 
Being,  who,  after  giving  them  laws  and  ruling 
over  the  nation  for  a  time,  had  withdrawn  to  the 
regions  where  the  sun  rises.  He  had  declared,  on 
his  departure,  that  he  or  his  descendants  would 
again  visit  them  and  resume  his  empire.^^  The 
wonderful  deeds  of  the  Spaniards,  their  fair  com- 
plexions, and  the  quarter  whence  they  came,  all 
showed  they  were  his  descendants.  If  Montezuma 
had  resisted  their  visit  to  his  capital,  it  was  because 
he  had  heard  such  accounts  of  their  cruelties, — 
that  they  sent  the  lightning  to  consume  his  people, 
or  crushed  them  to  pieces  under  the  hard  feet  of 
the  ferocious  animals  on  w^hich  they  rode.  He 
was  now  convinced  that  these  were  idle  tales;  that 
the  Spaniards  were  kind  and  generous  in  their  na- 
tures; they  were  mortals,  of  a  diiFerent  race,  in- 
deed, from  the  Aztecs,  wiser,  and  more  valiant, — 
and  for  this  he  honored  them. 

"  You,  too,"  he  added,  with  a  smile,  "  have  been 
told,  perhaps,  that  I  am  a  god,  and  dwell  in  pal- 
aces of  gold  and  silver.^*'  But  you  see  it  is  false. 
My  houses,  though  large,  are  of  stone  and  wood 
like  those  of  others;  and  as  to  my  body,"  he  said, 
baring  his  tawny  arm,  "  you  see  it  is  flesh  and  bone 

"  "  E  siempre  hemos  tenido,  que  de  los  que  de  el  descendiessen 
habian  de  venir  d  sojuzgar  esta  tierra,  y  a  nosotros  como  a  sus  Va- 
sallos."    Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  81. 

*" "  Y  luego  el  Montezuma  dixo  riendo,  porque  en  todo  era  muy 
regozijado  en  su  hablar  de  gran  senor:  Malinche,  bien  se  que  te  ban 
dicho  essos  de  Tlascala,  con  quien  tanta  amistad  aueis  tornado,  que 
yo  que  soy  como  Dios,  6  Teule,  que  quanto  ay  en  mis  casas  es  todo 
oro,  e  plata,  y  piedras  ricas."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  90. 


1519]  VISIT  TO  THE  EMPEROR  269 

like  yours.  It  is  true,  I  have  a  great  empire  in- 
herited from  my  ancestors;  lands,  and  gold,  and 
silver.  But  your  sovereign  beyond  the  waters  is, 
I  know,  the  rightful  lord  of  all.  I  rule  in  his  name. 
You,  Malinche,  are  his  ambassador;  you  and  your 
brethren  shall  share  these  things  with  me.  Rest 
now  from  your  labors.  You  are  here  in  your  own 
dwellings,  and  everything  shall  be  provided  for 
your  subsistence.  I  will  see  that  your  wishes  shall 
be  obeyed  in  the  same  way  as  my  own."  ^^  As  the 
monarch  concluded  these  words,  a  few  natural  tears 
suffused  his  eyes,  while  the  image  of  ancient  in- 
dependence, perhaps,  flitted  across  his  mind.^" 

Cortes,  while  he  encouraged  the  idea  that  his 
own  sovereign  w^as  the  great  Being  indicated  by 
Montezuma,  endeavored  to  comfort  the  monarch 
by  the  assurance  that  his  master  had  no  desire  to 
interfere  with  his  authority,  otherwise  than,  out 
of  pure  concern  for  his  welfare,  to  effect  his  con- 
version and  that  of  his  people  to  Christianity.  Be- 
fore the  emperor  dismissed  his  visitors  he  consulted 
his  munificent  spirit,  as  usual,  by  distributing  rich 

*^ "  E  por  tanto  Vos  sed  cierto,  que  os  obedeceremos,  y  tern6mos 
por  senor  en  lugar  de  esse  gran  senor  que  decis,  y  que  en  ello  no 
babia  falta,  ni  engano  alguno;  6  bien  podeis  en  toda  la  tierra,  digo, 
que  en  la  que  yo  en  mi  Senorio  poseo,  mandar  a  vuestra  voluntad, 
porque  sera  obedecldo  y  fecho,  y  todo  lo  que  nosotros  tcnemos  es 
para  lo  que  Vos  de  ello  quisieredes  disponer."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ubi  supra. 

*■  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  3. — Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap. 
66.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  5.— Gonzalo  de  las 
Casas,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  :24.— Cortfe,  in  his  brief  notes  of  this  pro- 
ceeding, speaks  only  of  the  interview  with  Montezuma  in  the  Spanish 
quarters,  which  he  makes  the  scene  of  the  preceding  dialogue.  Ber- 
nal  Diaz  transfers  this  to  the  subsequent  meeting  in  the  palace.  In 
the  only  fact  of  importance,  the  dialogue  itself,  both  substantially 
agree. 


270  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

stuffs  and  trinkets  of  gold  among  them,  so  that 
the  poorest  soldier,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  one  of  the 
party,  received  at  least  two  heavy  collars  of  the 
precious  metal  for  his  share.  The  iron  hearts  of 
the  Spaniards  were  touched  with  the  emotion  dis- 
played by  Montezuma,  as  well  as  by  his  princely 
spirit  of  liberality.  As  they  passed  him,  the  cava- 
liers, with  bonnet  in  hand,  made  him  the  most  pro- 
found obeisance,  and  "  on  the  way  home,"  con- 
tinues the  same  chronicler,  "  we  could  discourse  of 
nothing  but  the  gentle  breeding  and  courtesy  of 
the  Indian  monarch,  and  of  the  respect  we  enter- 
tained for  him."  ^^ 

Speculations  of  a  graver  complexion  must  have 
pressed  on  the  mind  of  the  general,  as  he  saw 
around  him  the  evidences  of  a  civilization,  and  con- 
sequently power,  for  which  even  the  exaggerated 
reports  of  the  natives— discredited  from  their  ap- 
parent exaggeration — had  not  prepared  him.  In 
the  pomp  and  burdensome  ceremonial  of  the  court 
he  saw  that  nice  system  of  subordination  and  pro- 
found reverence  for  the  monarch  w^hich  characterize 
the  semi-civilized  empires  of  Asia.  In  the  appear- 
ance of  the  capital,  its  massy  yet  elegant  architec- 
ture, its  luxurious  social  accommodations,  its  ac- 
tivity in  trade,  he  recognized  the  proofs  of  the 
intellectual  progress,  mechanical  skill,  and  enlarged 
resources  of  an  cJd  and  opulent  community;  while 
the  swarms  in  the  streets  attested  the  existence  of  a 

** "  Assf  nos  despedimos  con  grandes  cortesias  del,  y  nos  fuj^mos  A 
nuestros  aposentos,  e  ibamos  platicando  de  la  buena  manera  6  crian^a 
que  en  todo  tenia,  €  que  nosotros  en  todo  le  tuuiessemos  mucho 
acato,  e  con  las  gorras  de  armas  colchadas  quitadas,  quando  delante 
d^l  passassemos."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  90. 


1519]  VISIT  TO  THE  EMPEROR  271 

population  capable  of  turning  these  resources  to 
the  best  account. 

In  the  Aztec  he  beheld  a  being  unlike  either  the 
rude  republican  Tlascalan  or  the  effeminate  Cho- 
lulan,  but  combining  the  courage  of  the  one  with 
the  cultivation  of  the  other.  He  was  in  the  heart 
of  a  great  capital,  which  seemed  like  an  extensive 
fortification,  with  its  dikes  and  its  draw-bridges, 
where  every  house  might  be  easily  converted  into 
a  castle.  Its  insular  position  removed  it  from 
the  continent,  from  whicli,  at  the  mere  nod  of  the 
sovereign,  all  communication  might  be  cut  off, 
and  the  whole  warlike  population  be  at  once  pre- 
cipitated on  him  and  his  handful  of  followers. 
What  could  superior  science  avail  against  such 
odds?^^ 

As  to  the  subversion  of  JNIontezuma's  empire, 
now  that  he  had  seen  him  in  his  capital,  it  must  have 
seemed  a  more  doubtful  enterprise  than  ever.  The 
recognition  which  the  Aztec  prince  had  made  of 
the  feudal  supremacy,  if  I  may  so  say,  of  the  Span- 
ish sovereign,  was  not  to  be  taken  too  literally. 
Whatever  show  of  deference  he  might  be  dis- 
posed to  pay  the  latter  under  the  influence  of  his 
present — perhaps  temporary — delusion,  it  was  not 
to  be  supposed  that  he  would  so  easily  relinquish 
his  actual  power  and  possessions,  or  that  his  people 
would  consent  to  it.     Indeed,  his  sensitive  appre- 

"  "  Y  assf,"  says  Toribio  de  Benavente,  "  estaba  tan  f  uerte  esta 
ciudad,  que  parecia  no  bastar  poder  humano  para  ganarla;  porqiie 
ademas  de  su  fuerza  y  municion  que  tenia,  era  cabeza  y  Seiiorfa  de 
toda  la  tierra,  y  el  Senor  de  clla  (Moteczuma)  gloriibase  en  su 
silla  y  en  la  fortaleza  de  su  ciudad,  y  en  la  muchedumbre  de  sus 
vassallos."    Hist,  de  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  8. 


«72  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

hensions  in  regard  to  this  very  subject,  on  the  com- 
ing of  the  Spaniards,  were  sufficient  proof  of  the 
tenacity  with  which  he  clung  to  his  authority.  It 
is  true  that  Cortes  had  a  strong  lever  for  future 
operations  in  the  superstitious  reverence  felt  for 
himself  both  by  prince  and  people.  It  was  un- 
doubtedly his  policy  to  maintain  this  sentiment  un- 
impaired in  both,  as  far  as  possible.^^  But,  before 
settling  any  plan  of  operations,  it  was  necessary  to 
make  himself  personally  acquainted  with  the  to- 
pography and  local  advantages  of  the  capital,  the 
character  of  its  population,  and  the  real  nature  and 
amount  of  its  resources.  With  this  view,  he  asked 
the  emperor's  permission  to  visit  the  principal  pub- 
lic edifices. 


*° "  Many  are  of  opinion,"  says  Father  Acosta,  "  that,  if  the  Span- 
iards had  continued  the  course  they  began,  they  might  easily  have 
disposed  of  Montezuma  and  his  kingdom,  and  introduced  the  law  of 
Christ,  without  much  bloodshed."     Lib.  7,  cap,  25. 

Antonio  de  Herrera,  the  celebrated  chronicler  of  the  Indies,  was 
born  of  a  respectable  family  at  Cuella,  in  Old  Spain,  in  1549.  After 
passing  through  the  usual  course  of  academic  discipline  in  his  own 
country,  he  went  to  Italy,  to  which  land  of  art  and  letters  the  Span- 
ish youth  of  that  time  frequently  resorted  to  complete  their  edu- 
cation. He  there  became  acquainted  with  Vespasian  Gonzaga,  bro- 
ther of  the  duke  of  Mantua,  and  entered  into  his  service.  He 
continued  with  this  prince  after  he  was  made  Viceroy  of  Navarre, 
and  was  so  highly  regarded  by  him,  that,  on  his  death-bed,  Gon- 
zaga earnestly  commended  him  to  the  protection  of  Philip  the  Sec- 
ond. This  penetrating  monarch  soon  discerned  the  excellent  qualities 
of  Herrera,  and  raised  him  to  the  post  of  Historiographer  of  the 
Indies, — an  oflBce  for  which  Spain  is  indebted  to  Philip.  Thus  pro- 
vided with  a  liberal  salary,  and  with  every  facility  for  pursuing  the 
historical  researches  to  which  his  inclination  led  him,  Herrera's  days 
glided  peacefully  away  in  the  steady,  but  silent,  occupations  of  a 
man  of  letters.  He  continued  to  hold  the  office  of  historian  of  the 
colonies  through  Philip  the  Second's  reign,  and  under  his  successors, 
Philip  the  Third  and  the  Fourth;  till  in  1625  he  died  at  the  advanced 


1601]  HERRERA  273 

age  of  seventy-six,  leaving  behind  him  a  high  character  for  intellec- 
tual and  moral  worth. 

Herrera  wrote  several  works,  chiefly  historical.  The  most  impor- 
tant, that  on  which  his  reputation  rests,  is  his  Historia  general  de  las 
Indias  occidentales.  It  extends  from  the  year  1492,  the  time  of  the 
discovery  of  America,  to  1554,  and  is  divided  into  eight  decades. 
Four  of  them  were  published  in  1601,  and  the  remaining  four  in 
1615,  making  in  all  five  volumes  in  folio.  The  work  was  subse- 
quently republished  in  1730,  and  has  been  translated  into  most  of  the 
languages  of  Europe.  The  English  translator,  Stevens,  has  taken 
great  liberties  with  his  original,  in  the  way  of  abridgment  and  omis- 
sion, but  the  execution  of  his  work  is,  on  the  whole,  superior  to  that 
of  most  of  the  old  English  versions  of  the  Castilian  chroniclers. 

Herrera's  vast  subject  embraces  the  whole  colonial  empire  of  Spain 
in  the  New  World.  The  work  is  thrown  into  the  form  of  annals,  and 
the  multifarious  occurrences  in  the  distant  regions  of  which  he 
treats  are  all  marshalled  with  exclusive  reference  to  their  chronol- 
ogy, and  made  to  move  together  pari  passu.  By  means  of  this  taste- 
less arrangement  the  thread  of  interest  is  perpetually  snapped,  the 
reader  is  hurried  from  one  scene  to  another,  without  the  opportunity 
of  completing  his  survey  of  any.  His  patience  is  exhausted  and  his 
mind  perplexed  with  partial  and  scattered  glimpses,  instead  of 
gathering  new  light  as  he  advances  from  the  skilful  development  of 
a  continuous  and  well-digested  narrative.  This  is  the  great  defect 
of  a  plan  founded  on  a  slavish  adherence  to  chronology.  The  de- 
fect becomes  more  serious  when  the  work,  as  in  the  present  instance, 
is  of  vast  compass  and  embraces  a  great  variety  of  details  having 
little  relation  to  each  other.  In  such  a  work  we  feel  the  superiority 
of  a  plan  like  that  which  Robertson  has  pursued  in  his  "  History  of 
America,"  where  every  subject  is  allowed  to  occupj'  its  own  inde- 
pendent place,  proportioned  to  its  importance,  and  thus  to  make 
a  distinct  and  individual  impression  on  the  reader. 

Herrera's  position  gave  him  access  to  the  oflBcial  returns  from  the 
colonies,  state  papers,  and  whatever  documents  existed  in  the  public 
offices  for  the  illustration  of  the  colonial  history.  Among  these 
sources  of  information  were  some  manuscripts,  with  which  it  is  not 
now  easy  to  meet;  as,  for  example,  the  memorial  of  Alonso  de  Ojeda, 
one  of  the  followers  of  Cortes,  which  has  eluded  my  researches  both 
in  Spain  and  Mexico.  Other  writings,  as  those  of  Father  Sahagun, 
of  much  importance  in  the  history  of  Indian  civilization,  were  un- 
known to  the  historian.  Of  such  manuscripts  as  fell  into  his  hands, 
Herrera  made  the  freest  use.  From  the  writings  of  I^as  Casas,  in 
particular,  he  borrowed  without  ceremony.  The  bishop  had  left 
orders  that  his  "  History  of  the  Indies  "  should  not  l)e  published  till 
at  least  forty  years  after  his  death.  Before  that  period  had  elapsed 
Herrera  had  entered  on  his  labors,  and,  as  he  had  access  to  the 
papers  of  Las  Casas,  he  availed  himself  of  it  to  transfer  whole 
pages,  nay,  chapters,  of  his   narrative  in   the   most   unscrupulous 


274  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

manner  to  his  own  work.  In  doing  this,  he  made  a  decided  im- 
provement on  the  manner  of  his  original,  reduced  his  cumbrous  and 
entangled  sentences  to  pure  Castilian,  omitted  his  turgid  declama- 
tion and  his  unreasonable  invectives.  But,  at  the  same  time,  he  also 
excluded  the  passages  that  bore  hardest  on  the  conduct  of  his  coun- 
trymen, and  those  bursts  of  indignant  eloquence  which  showed  a 
moral  sensibility  in  tlie  Bishop  of  Chiapa  that  raised  him  so  far 
above  his  age.  By  this  sort  of  metempsychosis,  if  one  may  so  speak, 
by  which  the  letter  and  not  the  spirit  of  the  good  missionary  was 
transferred  to  Herrera's  pages,  he  rendered  the  publication  of  Las 
Casas'  history,  in  some  measure,  superfluous;  and  this  circumstance 
has,  no  doubt,  been  one  reason  for  its  having  been  so  long  detained 
in  manuscript. 

Yet,  with  every  allowance  for  the  errors  incident  to  rapid  compo- 
sition, and  to  the  pedantic  chronological  system  pursued  by  Herrera, 
his  work  must  be  admitted  to  have  extraordinary  merit.  It  displays 
to  the  reader  the  whole  progress  of  Spanish  conquest  and  coloniza- 
tion in  the  New  World  for  the  first  sixty  years  after  the  discovery. 
The  individual  actions  of  his  complicated  story,  though  unskilfully 
grouped  together,  are  unfolded  in  a  pure  and  simple  style,  well  suited 
to  the  gravity  of  his  subject.  If  at  first  sight  he  may  seem  rather 
too  willing  to  magnify  the  merits  of  the  early  discoverers  and  to 
throw  a  veil  over  their  excesses,  it  may  be  pardoned,  as  flowing,  not 
from  moral  insensibility,  but  from  the  patriotic  sentiment  which 
made  him  desirous,  as  far  as  might  be,  to  wipe  away  every  stain 
from  the  escutcheon  of  his  nation,  in  the  proud  period  of  her  renown. 
It  is  natural  that  the  Spaniard  who  dwells  on  this  period  should  be 
too  much  dazzled  by  the  display  of  her  gigantic  efforts,  scrupulously 
to  weigh  their  moral  character,  or  the  merits  of  the  cause  in  which 
they  were  made.  Yet  Herrera's  national  partiality  never  makes 
him  the  apologist  of  crime;  and,  with  the  allowances  fairly  to  be 
conceded,  he  may  be  entitled  to  the  praise  so  often  given  him  of 
integrity  and  candor. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that,  in  addition  to  the  narrative  of  the 
early  discoveries  of  the  Spaniards,  Herrera  has  brought  together  a 
vast  quantity  of  information  in  respect  to  the  institutions  and  usages 
of  the  Indian  nations,  collected  from  the  most  authentic  sources. 
This  gives  his  work  a  completeness  beyond  what  is  to  be  found  in  any 
other  on  the  same  subject.  It  is,  indeed,  a  noble  monument  of  saga- 
city and  erudition;  and  the  student  of  history,  and  still  more  the 
historical  compiler,  will  find  himself  unable  to  advance  a  single  step 
among  the  early  colonial  settlements  of  the  New  World  without  ref- 
erence to  the  pages  of  Herrera. 

Another  writer  on  Mexico,  frequently  consulted  in  the  course  of  the 
present  narrative,  is  Toribio  de  Benavente,  or  MotoUnia,  as  he  is 
still  more  frequently  called,  from  his  Indian  cognomen.  He  was 
one  of  the  twelve  Franciscan  missionaries  who,  at  the  request  of 
Cortds,  were  sent  out  to  New  Spain  immediately  after  the  Conquest, 


1523]  TORIBIO  275 

in  1523.  Toribio's  humble  attire,  naked  feet,  and,  in  short,  the 
poverty-stricken  aspect  which  belongs  to  his  order,  frequently  drew 
from  the  natives  the  exclamation  of  Motolinia,  or  "  poor  man."  It 
was  the  first  Aztec  word  the  signification  of  which  the  missionary 
learned,  and  he  was  so  much  pleased  with  it,  as  intimating  his  own 
condition,  that  he  henceforth  assumed  it  as  his  name.  Toribio  em- 
ployed himself  zealously  with  his  brethren  in  the  great  object  of 
their  mission.  He  travelled  on  foot  over  various  parts  of  Mexico, 
Guatemala,  and  Nicaragua.  Wherever  he  went,  he  spared  no  pains 
to  wean  the  natives  from  their  dark  idolatry,  and  to  pour  into  their 
minds  the  light  of  revelation.  He  showed  even  a  tender  regard  for 
their  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  wants,  and  Bernal  Diaz  testifies 
that  he  has  known  him  to  give  away  his  own  robe  to  clothe  a  desti- 
tute and  suflFering  Indian.  Yet  this  charitable  friar,  so  meek  and 
conscientious  in  the  discharge  of  his  Christian  duties,  was  one  of  the 
fiercest  opponents  of  Las  Casas,  and  sent  home  a  remonstrance 
against  the  Bishop  of  Chiapa,  couched  in  terms  the  most  opprobrious 
and  sarcastic.  It  has  led  the  bishop's  biographer,  Quintana,  to  sug- 
gest that  the  friar's  threadbare  robe  may  have  covered  somewhat 
of  worldly  pride  and  envy.  It  may  be  so.  Yet  it  may  also  lead  us 
to  distrust  the  discretion  of  Las  Casas  himself,  who  could  carry 
measures  with  so  rude  a  hand  as  to  provoke  such  unsparing  animad- 
versions from  his  fellow-laborers  in  the  vineyard. 

Toribio  was  made  guardian  of  a  Franciscan  convent  at  Tezcuco. 
In  this  situation  he  continued  active  in  good  works,  and  at  this  place, 
and  in  his  diflFerent  pilgrimages,  is  stated  to  have  baptized  more  than 
four  hundred  thousand  natives.  His  eflBcacious  piety  was  attested  by 
various  miracles.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  was  when  the  Indians 
were  suflFering  from  great  drought,  which  threatened  to  annihilate  the 
approaching  harvests.  The  good  father  recommended  a  solemn  pro- 
cession of  the  natives  to  the  church  of  Santa  Cruz,  with  prayers  and 
a  vigorous  flagellation.  The  eflFect  was  soon  visible  in  such  copious 
rains  as  entirely  relieved  the  people  from  their  apprehensions,  and  in 
the  end  made  the  season  uncommonly  fruitful.  The  counterpart  to 
this  prodigy  was  aflForded  a  few  years  later,  while  the  country  was 
laboring  under  excessive  rains;  when,  by  a  similar  remedy,  the  evil 
was  checked,  and  a  like  propitious  influence  exerted  on  the  season  as 
before.  The  exhibition  of  such  miracles  greatly  edified  the  people, 
says  his  biographer,  and  established  them  firmly  in  the  Faith.  Proba- 
bly Toribio's  exemplary  life  and  conversation,  so  beautifully  illus- 
trating the  principles  which  he  taught,  did  quite  as  much  for  the  good 
cause  as  his  miracles. 

Thus  passing  his  days  in  the  peaceful  and  pious  avocations  of  the 
Christian  missionary,  the  worthy  ecclesiastic  was  at  length  called 
from  the  scene  of  his  earthly  pilgrimage,  in  what  year  is  uncertain, 
but  at  an  advanced  age,  for  he  survived  all  the  little  band  of  mis- 
sionaries who  had  accompanied  him  to  New  Spain.  He  died  in  the 
convent  of  San  Francisco  at  Mexico,  and  his  panegyric  is  thus  em- 


276  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

phatically  pronounced  by  Torquemada,  a  brother  of  his  own  order: 
"  He  was  a  truly  apostolic  man,  a  great  teacher  of  Christianity,  beau- 
tiful in  the  ornament  of  every  virtue,  jealous  of  the  glory  of  God,  a 
friend  of  evangelical  poverty,  most  true  to  the  observance  of  his 
monastic  rule,  and  zealous  in  the  conversion  of  the  heathen." 

Father  Toribio's  long  personal  intercourse  with  the  Mexicans,  and 
the  knowledge  of  their  language,  which  he  was  at  much  pains  to 
acquire,  opened  to  him  all  the  sources  of  information  respecting 
them  and  their  institutions,  which  existed  at  the  time  of  the  Con- 
quest. The  results  he  carefully  digested  in  the  work  so  often  cited 
in  these  pages,  the  Eistoria  de  los  Indios  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  making 
a  volume  of  manuscript  in  folio.  It  is  divided  into  three  parts. 
1.  The  religion,  rites,  and  sacrifices  of  the  Aztecs.  2.  Their  conver- 
sion to  Christianity,  and  their  manner  of  celebrating  the  festivals 
of  the  Church.  3.  The  genius  and  character  of  the  nation,  their 
chronology  and  astrology,  together  with  notices  of  the  principal 
cities  and  the  staple  productions  of  the  country.  Notwithstanding 
the  methodical  arrangement  of  the  work,  it  is  written  in  the  rambling, 
unconnected  manner  of  a  commonplace-book,  into  which  the  author 
has  thrown  at  random  his  notices  of  such  matters  as  most  interested 
him  in  his  survey  of  the  country.  His  own  mission  is  ever  be- 
fore his  eyes,  and  the  immediate  topic  of  discussion,  of  whatever 
nature  it  may  be,  is  at  once  abandoned  to  exhibit  an  event  or  an 
anecdote  that  can  illustrate  his  ecclesiastical  labors.  The  most 
startling  occurrences  are  recorded  with  all  the  credulous  gravity 
which  is  so  likely  to  win  credit  from  the  vulgar;  and  a  stock  of 
miracles  is  duly  attested  by  the  historian,  of  more  than  sufficient 
magnitude  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  infant  religious  communities 
of  New  Spain. 

Yet  amidst  this  mass  of  pious  incredibilia  the  inquirer  into  the 
Aztec  antiquities  will  find  much  curious  and  substantial  information. 
Toribio's  long  and  intimate  relations  with  the  natives  put  him  in 
possession  of  their  whole  stock  of  theology  and  science;  and  as  his 
manner,  though  somewhat  discursive,  is  plain  and  unatfected,  there 
is  no  obscurity  in  the  communication  of  his  ideas.  His  inferences, 
colored  by  the  superstitions  of  the  age  and  the  peculiar  nature  of  his 
profession,  may  be  often  received  with  distrust.  But,  as  his  integrity 
and  his  means  of  information  were  unquestionable,  his  work  be- 
comes of  the  first  authority  in  relation  to  the  antiquities  of  the 
country,  and  its  condition  at  the  period  of  the  Conquest.  As  an 
educated  man,  he  was  enabled  to  penetrate  deeper  than  the  illiterate 
soldiers  of  Cortes,  men  given  to  action  rather  than  to  speculation. 
Yet  Toribio's  manuscript,  valuable  as  it  is  to  the  historian,  has  never 
been  printed,  and  has  too  little  in  it  of  popular  interest,  probably, 
ever  to  be  printed.  Much  that  it  contains  has  found  its  way,  in 
various  forms,  into  subsequent  compilations.  The  work  itself  is 
very  rarely  to  be  found.  Dr.  Robertson  had  a  copy,  as  it  seems  from 
the  catalogue  of  MSS.  published  with  his  "History  of  America;" 


1520]  MARTYR  277 

though  the  author's  name  is  not  prefixed  to  it.  There  is  no  copy, 
I  believe,  in  the  library  of  the  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid;  and 
for  that  in  my  possession  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  that  cu- 
rious bibliographer,  Mr.  O.  Rich,  now  consul  for  the  United  States 
at  Minorca. 

Pietro  Martire  de  Angleria,  or  Peter  Martyr,  as  he  is  called  by 
English  writers,  belonged  to  an  ancient  and  highly  respectable  fam- 
ily of  Arona  in  the  north  of  Italy.  In  1487  he  was  induced  by  the 
count  of  Tendilla,  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  Rome,  to  return  with 
him  to  Castile.  He  was  graciously  received  by  Queen  Isabella,  al- 
ways desirous  to  draw  around  her  enlightened  foreigners,  who  might 
exercise  a  salutary  influence  on  the  rough  and  warlike  nobility  of 
Castile.  Martyr,  who  had  been  educated  for  the  Church,  was  per- 
suaded by  the  queen  to  undertake  the  instruction  of  the  young  nobles 
at  the  court.  In  this  waj"^  he  formed  an  intimacy  with  some  of  the 
most  illustrious  men  of  the  nation,  who  seem  to  have  cherished  a 
warm  personal  regard  for  him  through  the  remainder  of  his  life. 
He  was  employed  by  the  Catholic  sovereigns  in  various  concerns  of 
public  interest,  was  sent  on  a  mission  to  Egypt,  and  was  subsequently 
raised  to  a  distinguished  post  in  the  cathedral  of  Granada.  But  he 
continued  to  pass  much  of  his  time  at  court,  where  he  enjoyed  the 
confidence  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  of  their  successor,  Charles 
the  Fifth,  till  in  1525  he  died,  at  the  age  of  seventy. 

Martyr's  character  combined  qualities  not  often  found  in  the  same 
individual, — an  ardent  love  of  letters,  with  a  practical  sagacity  that 
can  only  result  from  familiarity  with  men  and  affairs.  Though  pass- 
ing his  days  in  the  gay  and  dazzling  society  of  the  capital,  he  pre- 
served the  simple  tastes  and  dignified  temper  of  a  philosopher.  His 
correspondence,  as  well  as  his  more  elaborate  writings,  if  the  term 
elaborate  can  be  applied  to  any  of  his  writings,  manifests  an  enlight- 
ened and  oftentimes  independent  spirit;  though  one  would  have  been 
better  pleased  had  he  been  sujQBciently  independent  to  condemn  the 
religious  intolerance  of  the  government.  But  Martyr,  though  a  phi- 
losopher, was  enough  of  a  courtier  to  look  with  a  lenient  eye  on  the 
errors  of  princes.  Though  deeply  imbued  with  the  learnmg  of  an- 
tiquity, and  a  scholar  at  heart,  he  had  none  of  the  feelings  of  the 
recluse,  but  took  the  most  lively  interest  in  the  events  that  were  pass- 
ing around  him.  His  various  writings,  including  his  copious  corre- 
spondence, are  for  this  reason  the  very  best  mirror  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived. 

His  inquisitive  mind  was  particularly  interested  by  the  discoveries 
that  were  going  on  in  the  New  World.  He  was  allowed  to  be  present 
at  the  sittings  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  when  any  communication 
of  importance  was  made  to  it;  and  he  was  subsequently  appointed  a 
member  of  that  body.  All  that  related  to  the  colonies  passed 
through  his  hands.  The  correspondence  of  Columbus,  Cortes,  and 
the  other  discoverers  with  the  court  of  Castile  was  submitted  to 
his  perusal.    He  became  personally  acquainted  with  these  illustrious 


278  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

persons  on  their  return  home,  and  frequently,  as  we  find  from  his 
letters,  entertained  them  at  his  own  table.  With  these  advantages, 
his  testimony  becomes  but  one  degree  removed  from  that  of  the 
actors  themselves  in  the  great  drama.  In  one  respect  it  is  of  a  higher 
kind,  since  it  is  free  from  the  prejudice  and  passion  which  a  personal 
interest  in  events  is  apt  to  beget.  The  testimony  of  Martyr  is  that  of 
a  philosopher,  taking  a  clear  and  comprehensive  survey  of  the  ground, 
with  such  lights  of  previous  knowledge  to  guide  him  as  none  of  the 
actual  discoverers  and  conquerors  could  pretend  to.  It  is  true,  this 
does  not  prevent  his  occasionally  falling  into  errors;  the  errors  of 
credulity,— not,  however,  of  the  credulity  founded  on  superstition, 
but  that  which  arises  from  the  uncertain  nature  of  the  subject, 
where  phenomena  so  unlike  anything  with  which  he  had  been  familiar 
were  now  first  disclosed  by  the  revelation  of  an  unknown  world. 

He  may  be  more  fairly  charged  with  inaccuracies  of  another  de- 
scription, growing  out  of  haste  and  inadvertence  of  composition. 
But  even  here  we  should  be  charitable.  For  he  confesses  his  sins 
with  a  candor  that  disarms  criticism.  In  truth,  he  wrote  rapidly, 
and  on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  as  occasion  served.  He  shrunk  from 
the  publication  of  his  writings,  when  it  was  urged  on  him,  and  his 
Decades  De  Orbe  Novo,  in  which  he  embodied  the  results  of  his 
researches  in  respect  to  the  American  discoveries,  were  not  pub- 
lished entire  till  after  his  death.  The  most  valuable  and  complete 
edition  of  this  work— the  one  referred  to  in  the  present  pages— is 
the  edition  of  Hakluyt,  published  at  Paris  in  1587. 

Martyr's  works  are  all  in  Latin,  and  that  not  of  the  purest;  a 
circumstance  rather  singular,  considering  his  familiarity  with  the 
classic  models  of  antiquity.  Yet  he  evidently  handled  the  dead  lan- 
guages with  the  same  facility  as  the  living.  Whatever  defects  may 
be  charged  on  his  manner,  in  the  selection  and  management  of  his 
topics  he  shows  the  superiority  of  his  genius.  He  passes  over  the 
trivial  details  which  so  often  encumber  the  literal  narratives  of  the 
Spanish  voyagers,  and  fixes  his  attention  on  the  great  results  of  their 
discoveries,— the  products  of  the  country,  the  history  and  institu- 
tions of  the  races,  their  character  and  advance  in  civilization.  In 
one  respect  his  writings  are  of  peculiar  value.  They  show  the  state 
of  feeling  which  existed  at  the  Castilian  court  during  the  progress  of 
discovery.  They  furnish,  in  short,  the  reverse  side  of  the  picture; 
and,  when  we  have  followed  the  Spanish  conquerors  in  their  wonder- 
ful career  of  adventure  in  the  New  World,  we  have  only  to  turn 
to  the  pages  of  Martj'r  to  find  the  impression  produced  by  them  on 
the  enlightened  minds  of  the  Old.  Such  a  view  is  necessary  to  the 
completeness  of  the  historical  picture. 

If  the  reader  is  curious  to  learn  more  of  this  estimable  scholar, 
he  will  find  the  particulars  given  in  "  The  History  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella"  (Part  I.  chap.  14,  Postscript,  and  chap.  19),  for  the  illus- 
tration of  whose  reign  his  voluminous  correspondence  furnishes  the 
most  authentic  materials. 


BOOK  IV 

RESIDENCE    IN    MEXICO 


BOOK  IV 

RESIDENCE  IN  MEXICO 

CHAPTER  I 

tezcucan  lake— description  of  the  capital— 
palaces  and  museums— royal  household  — 
Montezuma's  way  of  life 

1519 

THE  ancient  city  of  Mexico  covered  the  same 
spot  occupied  by  the  modern  capital.  The 
great  causeways  touched  it  in  the  same  points ;  the 
streets  ran  in  much  the  same  direction,  nearly  from 
north  to  south  and  from  east  to  west ;  the  cathedral 
in  the  plaza  mayor  stands  on  the  same  ground  that 
was  covered  by  the  temple  of  the  Aztec  war-god; 
and  the  four  principal  quarters  of  the  town  are 
still  known  among  the  Indians  by  their  ancient 
names.  Yet  an  Aztec  of  the  days  of  Montezuma, 
could  he  behold  the  modern  metropolis,  which  has 
risen  with  such  phoenix-like  splendor  from  the 
ashes  of  the  old,  would  not  recognize  its  site  as  that 
of  his  own  Tenochtitlan.  For  the  latter  was  en- 
compassed by  the  salt  floods  of  Tezcuco,  which 
flowed  in  ample  canals  through  every  part  of  the 

281 


282  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

city ;  while  the  Mexico  of  our  day  stands  high  and 
dry  on  the  main  land,  nearly  a  league  distant,  at 
its  centre,  from  the  water.  The  cause  of  this  ap- 
parent change  in  its  position  is  the  diminution  of 
the  lake,  which,  from  the  rapidity  of  evaporation 
in  these  elevated  regions,  had  become  perceptible 
before  the  Conquest,  but  which  has  since  been 
greatly  accelerated  by  artificial  causes.^ 

The  average  level  of  the  Tezcucan  lake,  at  the 
present  day,  is  but  four  feet  lower  than  the  great 
square  of  JNIexico.^  It  is  considerably  lower  than 
the  other  great  basins  of  water  which  are  found  in 
the  Valley.  In  the  heavy  swell  sometimes  caused 
by  long  and  excessive  rains,  these  latter  reservoirs 
anciently  overflowed  into  the  Tezcuco,  which,  ris- 
ing with  the  accumulated  volume  of  waters,  burst 
through  the  dikes,  and,  pouring  into  the  streets  of 
the  capital,  buried  the  lower  part  of  the  buildings 
under  a  deluge.  This  was  comparatively  a  light 
evil  when  the  houses  stood  on  piles  so  elevated  that 
boats  might  pass  under  them ;  when  the  streets  were 
canals,  and  the  ordinary  mode  of  communication 
was  by  water.  But  it  became  more  disastrous  as 
these  canals,  filled  up  with  the  rubbish  of  the  ruined 
Indian  city,  were  supplanted  by  streets  of  solid 

^The  lake,  it  seems,  had  perceptibly  shrunk  before  the  Conquest, 
from  the  testimony  of  Motolinia,  who  entered  the  country  soon  after. 
Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  6. 

'  Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  tom.  ii.  p.  95.— Cort6s  supposed  there 
were  regular  tides  in  this  lake.  (Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  101.) 
This  sorely  puzzles  the  learned  Martyr  (De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap. 
3)  ;  as  it  has  more  than  one  philosopher  since,  whom  it  has  led  to 
speculate  on  a  subterraneous  communication  with  the  ocean !  What 
tlie  general  called  "  tides  "  was  probably  the  periodical  swells  caused 
by  the  prevalence  of  certain  regular  winds. 


1519]  TEZCUCAN  LAKE  283 

earth,  and  the  foundations  of  the  capital  were 
gradually  reclaimed  from  the  watery  element.  To 
obviate  this  alarming  evil,  the  famous  drain  of 
Huehuetoca  was  opened,  at  an  enormous  cost,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and 
Mexico,  after  repeated  inundations,  has  been  at 
length  placed  above  the  reach  of  the  flood.^  But 
what  was  gained  to  the  useful,  in  this  case,  as 
in  some  others,  has  been  purchased  at  the  expense 
of  the  beautiful.  By  this  shrinking  of  the  waters, 
the  bright  towns  and  hamlets  once  washed  by  them 
have  been  removed  some  miles  into  the  interior, 
while  a  barren  strip  of  land,  ghastly  from  the  in- 
crustation of  salts  formed  on  the  surface,  has  taken 
the  place  of  the  glowing  vegetation  which  once 
enamelled  the  borders  of  the  lake,  and  of  the  dark 
groves  of  oak,  cedar,  and  sycamore  which  threw 
their  broad  shadows  over  its  bosom. 

The  chinampas,  that  archipelago  of  wandering 
islands,  to  which  our  attention  was  drawn  in  the 
last  chapter,  have,  also,  nearly  disappeared.  These 
had  their  origin  in  the  detached  masses  of  earth, 
which,  loosening  from  the  shores,  were  still  held  to- 
gether by  the  fibrous  roots  with  which  they  were 
penetrated.  The  primitive  Aztecs,  in  their  poverty 
of  land,  availed  themselves  of  the  hint  thus  af- 
forded by  nature.  They  constructed  rafts  of  reeds, 
rushes,  and  other  fibrous  materials,  which,  tightly 
knit  together,  formed  a  sufficient  basis  for  the  sedi- 

^  Humboldt  has  given  a  minute  account  of  this  tunnel,  which  he 
pronounces  one  of  the  most  stupendous  hydraulic  works  in  existence, 
and  the  completion  of  which,  in  its  present  form,  does  not  date 
earlier  than  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  See  his  Essai 
politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  105,  et  seq. 


284  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

ment  that  they  drew  up  from  the  bottom  of  the 
lake.  Gradually  islands  were  formed,  two  or  three 
himdred  feet  in  length,  and  three  or  four  feet  in 
depth,  with  a  rich  stimulated  soil,  on  which  the  eco- 
nomical Indian  raised  his  vegetables  and  flowers 
for  the  markets  of  Tenochtitlan.  Some  of  these 
chinampas  were  even  firm  enough  to  allow  the 
growth  of  small  trees,  and  to  sustain  a  hut  for  the 
residence  of  the  person  that  had  charge  of  it,  who 
with  a  long  pole,  resting  on  the  sides  or  the  bottom 
of  the  shallow  basin,  could  change  the  position  of 
his  little  territory  at  pleasure,  which  with  its  rich 
freight  of  vegetable  stores  was  seen  moving  hke 
some  enchanted  island  over  the  water.* 

The  ancient  dikes  were  three  in  number.  That 
of  Iztapalapan,  by  which  the  Spaniards  entered, 
approaching  the  city  from  the  south.  That  of  Te- 
pejacac,  on  the  north,  which,  continuing  the  prin- 
cipal street,  might  be  regarded,  also,  as  a  continua- 
tion of  the  first  causeway.  Lastly,  the  dike  of 
Tlacopan,  connecting  the  island-city  with  the 
continent  on  the  w^est.  This  last  causeway,  memo- 
rable for  the  disastrous  retreat  of  the  Spaniards, 
was  about  two  miles  in  length.  They  were  all 
built  in  the  same  substantial  manner,  of  lime  and 
stone,  were  defended  by  draw-bridges,  and  were 
wide  enough  for  ten  or  twelve  horsemen  to  ride 
abreast.^ 

*  Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  87,  et  seq.— Clavigero,  Stor. 
del  Messico,  torn.  ii.  p.  153. 

'  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  8.— Cortes,  indeed, 
speaks  of  four  causeways.  (Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  102.)  He 
may  have  reckoned  an  arm  of  the  southern  one  leading  to  Cojohua- 
can,  or  possibly  the  great  aqueduct  of  Chapoltepec. 


1519]  TEZCUCAN  LAKE  285 

The  rude  founders  of  Tenochtitlan  built  their 
frail  tenements  of  reeds  and  rushes  on  the  group 
of  small  islands  in  the  western  part  of  the  lake.  In 
process  of  time,  these  were  supplanted  by  more 
substantial  buildings.  A  quarry  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, of  a  red  porous  amygdaloid,  tetzontlij 
was  opened,  and  a  light,  brittle  stone  drawn  from 
it  and  wrought  with  little  difficulty.  Of  this  their 
edifices  were  constructed,  with  some  reference  to 
architectural  solidity,  if  not  elegance.  Mexico,  as 
already  noticed,  was  the  residence  of  the  great 
chiefs,  whom  the  sovereign  encouraged,  or  rather 
compelled,  from  obvious  motives  of  policy,  to 
spend  part  of  the  year  in  the  capital.  It  was  also 
the  temporary  abode  of  the  great  lords  of  Tezcuco 
and  Tlacopan,  who  shared,  nominally  at  least,  the 
sovereignty  of  the  empire.^  The  mansions  of  these 
dignitaries,  and  of  the  principal  nobles,  were  on  a 
scale  of  rude  magnificence  corresponding  with 
their  state.  They  were  low,  indeed, — seldom  of 
more  than  one  floor,  never  exceeding  two.  But 
they  spread  over  a  wide  extent  of  ground,  were  ar- 
ranged in  a  quadrangular  form,  with  a  court  in  the 
centre,  and  were  surrounded  by  porticoes  embel- 
lished with  porphyry  and  jasper,  easily  found  in 
the  neighborhood,  while  not  unfrequently  a  foun- 
tain of  crystal  water  in  the  centre  shed  a  grate- 
ful coolness  through  the  air.  The  dwellings  of 
the  common  people  were  also  placed  on  founda- 
tions of  stone,  which  rose  to  the  height  of  a 
few  feet  and  were  then  succeeded  by  courses  of 
unbaked  bricks,  crossed  occasionally  by  wooden 

"Ante,  vol.  i.  p.  23. 


286  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

rafters.'  Most  of  the  streets  were  mean  and  nar- 
row. Some  few,  however,  were  wide  and  of  great 
length.  The  principal  street,  conducting  from 
the  great  southern  causeway,  penetrated  in  a 
straight  line  the  whole  length  of  the  city,  and  af- 
forded a  noble  vista,  in  which  the  long  lines  of  low 
stone  edifices  were  broken  occasionally  by  interven- 
ing gardens,  rising  on  terraces  and  displaying  all 
the  pomp  of  Aztec  horticulture. 

The  great  streets,  which  were  coated  with  a  hard 
cement,  were  intersected  by  numerous  canals. 
Some  of  these  were  flanked  by  a  solid  way,  which 
served  as  a  foot-walk  for  passengers,  and  as  a  land- 
ing-place where  boats  might  discharge  their  car- 
goes. Small  buildings  were  erected  at  intervals, 
as  stations  for  the  revenue  officers  who  collected 
the  duties  on  different  articles  of  merchandise. 
The  canals  were  traversed  by  numerous  bridges, 
many  of  which  could  be  raised,  affording  the 
means  of  cutting  off  communication  between  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  city.^ 

From  the  accounts  of  the  ancient  capital,  one  is 
reminded  of  those  aquatic  cities  in  the  Old  World, 

^  Martyr  gives  a  particular  account  of  these  dwellings,  which  shows 
that  even  the  poorer  classes  were  comfortably  lodged.  "  Populares 
vero  domus  cingulo  virili  tenus  lapideae  sunt  et  ipsae,  ob  lacunas  incre- 
mentum  per  fluxum  aut  fluviorum  in  ea  labentium  alluvies.  Super 
fundamentis  illis  magnis,  lateribus  turn  coctis,  turn  aestivo  sole  sic- 
catis,  immixtis  trabibus  reliquam  molem  construunt;  uno  sunt  com- 
munes domus  contentae  tabulato.  In  solo  parum  hospitantur  propter 
humiditatem,  tecta  non  tegulis  sed  bitumine  quodam  terreo  vesti- 
unt;  ad  solem  captandum  commodior  est  ille  modus,  breviore  tem- 
pore consumi  debere  credendum  est."    De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  10. 

*Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  8.— Rel.  Seg.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  108. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33, 
cap.  10,  11.— Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap,  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  309. 


1519]      DESCRIPTION   OF   THE   CAPITAL        287 

the  positions  of  which  have  been  selected  from 
similar  motives  of  economy  and  defence ;  above  all, 
of  Venice,^— if  it  be  not  rash  to  compare  the  rude 
architecture  of  the  American  Indian  with  the  mar- 
ble palaces  and  temples — alas,  how  shorn  of  their 
splendor! — which  crowned  the  once  proud  mistress 
of  the  Adriatic/"  The  example  of  the  metropolis 
was  soon  followed  by  the  other  towns  in  the  vi- 
cinity. Instead  of  resting  their  foundations  on 
terra  firma,  they  were  seen  advancing  far  into  the 
lake,  the  shallow  waters  of  which  in  some  parts  do 
not  exceed  four  feet  in  depth. ^^  Thus  an  easy 
means  of  intercommunication  was  opened,  and  the 
surface  of  this  inland  "  sea,"  as  Cortes  styles  it, 
was  darkened  by  thousands  of  canoes  ^^— an  In- 

*  Martyr  was  struck  with  the  resemblance.  "  Uti  de  illustrisslma 
civitate  Venetiarum  legitur,  ad  tumulum  in  ea  sinus  Adriatici  parte 
visum,  fuisse  constructara."    Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  10. 

"May  we  not  apply,  without  much  violence,  to  the  Aztec  capital, 
Giovanni  della  Casa's  spirited  sonnet,  contrasting  the  origin  of  Venice 
with  its  meridian  glory? 

"  Questi  Palazzi  e  queste  logge  or  colte 

D'ostro,  di  marmo  e  di  figure  elette. 

Fur  poche  e  basse  case  insieme  accolte 

Deserti  lidi  e  povere  Isolette. 
Ma  genti  ardite  d'ogni  vizio  sciolte 

Premeano  il  mar  con  picciole  barchette, 

Che  qui  non  per  domar  provincie  molte. 

Ma  fuggir  servitu  s'  eran  ristrette 
Non  era  ambizion  ne'  petti  loro  ; 

Ma  'I  mentire  abborriun  piu  die  la  morte, 

N&  vi  regnava  ingorda  fame  d'  oro. 
Se  '1  Ciel  v'  ha  date  piu  boata  sorte, 

Non  sien  quelle  virtu  che  tanto  onoro. 

Dalle  nuove  ricchezze  oppresse  e  morte." 

"  "  Le  lac  de  Tezcuco  n'a  g^neralement  que  trois  a  cinq  mMres  de 
profondeur,  Dans  quelques  endroits  le  fond  se  trouve  meme  deja  a 
moins  d'un  m^tre."     Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  tom.  ii.  p.  49. 

"  "  Y  cada  dia  entran  gran  multitud  de  Indios  cargados  de  basti- 
mentos  y  tributos,  asf  por  tierra  como  por  agua,  en  acales  6  barcas, 
que  en  lengua  de  las  Islas  llaman  CanoasT  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  In- 
dios, MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  6. 


288  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

dian  term— industriously  engaged  in  the  traffic 
between  these  Httle  communities.  How  gay  and 
picturesque  must  have  been  the  aspect  of  the  lake 
in  those  days,  with  its  shining  cities,  and  flowering 
islets  rocking,  as  it  were,  at  anchor  on  the  fair 
bosom  of  its  waters! 

The  population  of  Tenochtitlan  at  the  time  of 
the  Conquest  is  variously  stated.  No  contempo- 
rary writer  estimates  it  at  less  than  sixty  thousand 
houses,  which,  by  the  ordinary  rules  of  reckoning,* 

*  [This  estimate  is  of  course  erroneous.  "  The  ordinary  rules  of 
reckoning "  cannot  be  applied  to  people  living  as  did  the  Mexicans. 
The  word  vecinos  means  not  only  householders,  as  pointed  out  in  the 
author's  note,  but  also  inhabitants.  The  translator  who  rendered 
the  "  Anonymous  Conqueror  "  into  Italian  made  no  blunder  when  he 
used  the  word  habitatori.  Morgan  (Ancient  Society,  p.  195)  thinks 
the  population  was  not  more  than  30,000,  and  asks  "  how  a  barbarous 
people  without  flocks  and  herds,  and  without  field  agriculture, 
could  have  sustained  in  equal  areas  a  larger  number  of  inhabitants 
than  a  civilized  people  can  now  maintain  armed  with  these  advan- 
tages." (London  at  that  time  may  have  contained  145,000  inhabi- 
tants.) But  Morgan's  estimate  is  without  question  too  low.  Zu- 
azo  and  the  Anonymous  Conqueror  were  more  nearly  right  in  fixing, 
the  population  of  the  city  at  60,000.  There  could  not  possibly  have 
been  room  enough  for  sixty  thousand  Aztec  houses  in  a  city  of  which 
the  circumference  was  less  than  three  leagues.  (No  one  makes  it 
at  any  time  to  have  been  more  than  four  leagues  in  circumference.) 
The  houses  in  which  the  higher  officials  dwelt  were  spread  over  a  wide 
extent  of  ground,  were  low,  "  seldom  of  more  than  one  floor,  never 
exceeding  two."  (Ante,  p.  285.)  Public  buildings  and  pleasure 
grounds  took  up  much  space.  The  great  market-place,  tianguez, 
was  "  thrice  as  large  as  the  celebrated  square  of  Salamanca  "  (p.  313). 
No  one  states  the  number  of  visitors  at  less  than  40,000  (p.  317). 
(According  to  Ford,  Handbook  of  Spain,  the  Plaza  at  Salamanca  was 
the  largest  square  in  Spain.  From  16,000  to  20,000  spectators  could 
be  accommodated  at  the  bull-fights  which  took  place  there.)  The 
temple  area  also  was  enormous.  On  a  map  of  the  city  of  Mexico, 
in  the  edition  of  the  Letters  of  Cortes  published  at  Nuremberg, 
1524,  the  temple  space  is  twenty  times  as  great  as  that  given  to  the 
market-place.  The  large  number  of  visitors  to  the  Plaza  on  market 
days  is  easily  accounted  for  if  we  compare  the  thronged  afternoon 
streets  in  the  shopping  districts  of  any  large  city  with  those  same 


1519]       DESCRIPTION   OF   THE   CAPITAL        289 

would  give  three  hundred  thousand  souls.^^  If  a 
dwelling  often  contained,  as  is  asserted,  several 
families,  it  would  swell  the  amount  considerably 
higher/^  Nothing  is  more  uncertain  than  esti- 
mates of  numbers  among  barbarous  communities, 
who  necessarily  live  in  a  more  confused  and  pro- 
miscuous manner  than  civilized,  and  among  whom 
no  regular  system  is  adopted  for  ascertaining  the 
population.  The  concurrent  testimony  of  the  Con- 
querors; the  extent  of  the  city,  which  was  said  to 
be  nearly  three  leagues  in  circumference;^^  the 
immense  size  of  its  great  market-place;  the  long 
lines  of  edifices,  vestiges  of  whose  ruins  may  still 

"  "  Esta  la  cibdad  de  M^jico  6  Teneztutan,  que  serd  de  sesenta  mil 
vecinos."  (Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS.)  "  Tenustitanam  ipsam  in- 
quiunt  sexaginta  circiter  esse  millium  doraorum."  (Martyr,  De  Orbe 
Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  3.)  "Era  Mejico,  quando  Cortes  entr6,  pueblo 
de  sesenta  mil  casas."  (Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  78.)  Toribio  says, 
vaguely,  "Los  moradores  y  gente  era  innumerable."  (Hist,  de  los 
Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  8.)  The  Italian  translation  of  the  "  Anony- 
mous Conqueror,"  who  survives  only  in  translation,  says,  indeed, 
"meglio  di  sessanta  mila  habitatori"  (Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap. 
Ramusio,  tom.  iii.  fol.  309)  ;  owing,  probably,  to  a  blunder  in  render- 
ing the  word  vecinos,  the  ordinary  term  in  Spanish  statistics,  which, 
signifying  householders,  corresponds  with  the  Italian  fuochi.  See, 
also,  Clavigero.  (Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  iii.  p.  86,  nota.)  Robertson 
rests  exclusively  on  this  Italian  translation  for  his  estimate.  (History 
of  America,  vol.  ii.  p.  281.)  He  cites,  indeed,  two  other  authorities 
in  the  same  connection;  Cortes,  who  says  nothing  of  the  population, 
and  Herrera,  who  confirms  the  popular  statement  of  "  sesenta  mil 
casas."  (Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  13.)  The  fact  is  of  some 
importance. 

"  "  In  the  smallest  houses,  with  few  exceptions,  two,  four,  and  even 
six  families  resided  together."  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib. 
7,  cap.  13. 

"  Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap,  Ramusio,  tom.  iii.  fol.  309. 

streets  deserted  at  night  when  the  visitors  have  returned  to  their 
homes.  There  were  no  shops  in  the  Aztec  capital  and  all  the  buying 
was  done  in  the  tianguez. — M.] 


290  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

be  found  in  the  suburbs,  miles  from  the  modern 
city ;  ^ "  the  fame  of  the  metropolis  throughout 
Anahuac,  which,  however,  could  boast  many  large 
and  populous  places;  lastly,  the  economical  hus- 
bandry and  the  ingenious  contrivances  to  extract 
aliment  from  the  most  unpromising  sources,^  ^ — all 
attest  a  numerous  population,  far  beyond  that  of 
the  present  capital.^  ^ 

"  "  C'est  sur  le  chemin  qui  m^ne  a  Tanepantla  et  aux  Ahuahuetes 
que  Ton  peut  marcher  plus  d'une  heure  entre  les  ruines  de  I'ancienne 
ville.  On  y  reconnait,  ainsi  que  sur  la  route  de  Tacuba  et  d'lztapa- 
lapan,  combien  Mexico,  rebati  par  Cortez,  est  plus  petit  que  I'etait 
Tenochtitlan  sous  le  dernier  des  Montezuma.  L'enorme  grandeur  du 
marche  de  Tlatelolco,  dont  on  reconnait  encore  les  limites,  prouve 
combien  la  population  de  I'ancienne  ville  doit  avoir  ete  considerable."' 
Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  43. 

"  A  common  food  with  the  lower  classes  was  a  glutinous  scum 
found  in  the  lakes,  which  they  made  into  a  sort  of  cake,  having  a 
savor  not  unlike  cheese.  (Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap. 
92.)  —  [This  "scum"  consists  in  fact  of  the  eggs  of  aquatic  insects, 
with  which  cakes  are  made,  in  the  same  manner  as  with  the  spawn 
of  fishes.     Conquista  de  Mejico   (trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  i.  p.  366.]  * 

"  One  is  confirmed  in  this  inference  by  comparing  the  two  maps 
at  the  end  of  the  first  edition  of  Bullock's  "Mexico;"  one  of  the 
modern  city,  the  other  of  the  ancient,  taken  from  Boturini's  museum, 
and  showing  its  regular  arrangement  of  streets  and  canals;  as  regu- 
lar, indeed,  as  the  squares  on  a  chess-board.f 

*  [Little  can  be  inferred,  in  regard  to  the  difference  of  population, 
from  the  use  of  the  ahudhutle,  as  these  cakes  are  called,  since  it  is 
still  a  favorite  article  of  food  at  Tezcuco,  where  the  eggs  are  found 
in  great  abundance,  and  sold  in  the  market  both  in  the  prepared 
state  and  in  lumps  as  collected  at  the  edge  of  the  lake.  "  The  flies 
which  produce  these  eggs  are  called  by  the  Mexicans  axayacatl,  or 
water-face, — Corixa  femorata,  and  Notonecta  unifasciata,  accord- 
ing to  MM.  Meneville  and  Virlet  d'Aoust."  Tylor,  Anahuac, 
p.  156.— K.] 

t  [The  doubts  so  often  excited  by  the  descriptions  of  ancient  Mex- 
ico in  the  accounts  of  the  Spanish  discoverers,  like  the  similar  in- 
credulity formerly  entertained  in  regard  to  the  narrations  of  Herod- 
otus, are  dispelled  by  a  critical  investigation  in  conjunction  with  the 
results  of  modern  explorations.  Among  recent  travellers,  Mr.  Ed- 
ward B.  Tj'lor,  whose  learning  and  acumen  have  been  displayed  in 


1519]      DESCRIPTION   OF   THE   CAPITAL        291 

A  careful  police  provided  for  the  health  and 
cleanhness  of  the  city.  A  thousand  persons  are 
said  to  have  been  daily  employed  in  watering  and 
sweeping  the  streets/'"*  so  that  a  man — to  borrow 
the  language  of  an  old  Spaniard—"  could  walk 
through  them  with  as  little  danger  of  soiling  his 
feet  as  his  hands."  ^°    The  water,  in  a  city  washed 

"  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  i.  p.  274. 

'" "  Era  tan  barrido  y  el  suelo  tan  asentado  y  liso,  que  aunque  la 
planta  del  pie  fuera  tan  delicada  como  la  de  la  mano  no  recibiera  el 

various  ethnological  studies,  is  entitled  to  especial  confidence.  In 
company  with  Mr.  Christy,  the  well-known  collector,  he  examined 
the  ploughed  fields  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mexico,  making  repeated 
trials  whether  it  was  possible  to  stand  in  any  spot  where  no  relic  of 
the  former  population  was  within  reach.  "  But  this,"  he  says,  "  we 
could  not  do.  Everywhere  the  ground  was  full  of  unglazed  pottery 
and  obsidian."  "  We  noticed  bj'  the  sides  of  the  road,  and  where 
ditches  had  been  cut,  numbers  of  old  Mexican  stone  floors  covered 
with  stucco.  The  earth  has  accumulated  above  them  to  the  depth 
of  two  or  three  feet,  so  that  their  position  is  like  that  of  the  Roman 
pavements  so  often  found  in  Europe;  and  we  may  guess,  from  what 
we  saw  exposed,  how  great  must  be  the  number  of  such  remains  still 
hidden,  and  how  vast  a  population  must  once  have  inhabited  this 
plain,  now  almost  deserted."  "  When  we  left  England,"  he  adds, 
"  we  both  doubted  the  accounts  of  the  historians  of  the  Conquest, 
believing  that  they  had  exaggerated  the  numbers  of  the  popula- 
tion, and  the  size  of  the  cities,  from  a  natural  desire  to  make  the 
most  of  their  victories,  and  to  write  as  wonderful  a  history  as  they 
could,  as  historians  are  prone  to  do.  But  our  examination  of  Mexi- 
can remains  soon  induced  us  to  withdraw  this  accusation,  and  even 
made  us  inclined  to  blame  the  chroniclers  for  having  had  no  eyes 
for  the  wonderful  things  that  surrounded  them.  I  do  not  mean  by 
this  that  we  felt  inclined  to  swallow  the  monstrous  exaggeration  of 
Soli's  and  Gomara  and  other  Spanish  chroniclers,  who  seemed  to 
think  that  it  was  as  easy  to  say  a  thousand  as  a  hundred,  and  that 
it  sounded  much  better.  But  when  this  class  of  writers  are  set 
aside,  and  the  more  valuable  authorities  severely  criticised,  it  does 
not  seem  to  us  that  the  history  thus  extracted  from  these  sources 
is  much  less  reliable  than  European  history  of  the  same  period. 
There  is,  perhaps,  no  better  way  of  expressing  this  opinion  than  to 
say  that  what  we  saw  of  Mexico  tended  generally  to  confirm  Pres- 
cott's  History  of  the  Conquest,  and  but  seldom  to  make  his  state- 
ments appear  to  us  improbable."    Anahuac,  p.  147.— K.] 


292  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

on  all  sides  by  the  salt  floods,  was  extremely  brack- 
ish. A  liberal  supply  of  the  pure  element,  how- 
ever, was  brought  from  Chapoltepec,  "  the  grass- 
hopper's hill,"  less  than  a  league  distant.  It  was 
brought  through  an  earthen  pipe,  along  a  dike  con- 
structed for  the  purpose.  That  there  might  be  no 
failure  in  so  essential  an  article  when  repairs  were 
going  on,  a  double  course  of  pipes  was  laid.  In 
this  way  a  column  of  water  of  the  size  of  a  man's 
body  was  conducted  into  the  heart  of  the  capital, 
where  it  fed  the  fountains  and  reservoirs  of  the 
principal  mansions.  Openings  were  made  in  the 
aqueduct  as  it  crossed  the  bridges,  and  thus  a  sup- 
ply was  furnished  to  the  canoes  below,  by  means  of 
which  it  was  transported  to  all  parts  of  the  city.^^ 
While  Montezuma  encouraged  a  taste  for  archi- 
tectural magnificence  in  his  nobles,  he  contributed 
his  own  share  towards  the  embellishment  of  the 
city.  It  was  in  his  reign  that  the  famous  calendar 
stone,  weighing,  probably,  in  its  primitive  state, 
nearly  fifty  tons,  was  transported  from  its  native 
quarry,  many  leagues  distant,  to  the  capital,  where 
it  still  forms  one  of  the  most  curious  monuments  of 
Aztec  science.  Indeed,  when  we  reflect  on  the 
difficulty  of  hewing  such  a  stupendous  mass  from 
its  hard  basaltic  bed  without  the  aid  of  iron  tools, 
and  that  of  transporting  it  such  a  distance  across 
land  and  water  without  the  help  of  animals,  we 
may  well  feel  admiration  at  the  mechanical  inge- 


pie  detrimento  ninguno  en  andar  descalzo."      Toribio,  Hist,  de  los 
Indies,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7. 

"  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  108. — Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo, 
MS. — Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  309. 


1519]  PLACES    AND    MUSEUMS  293 

nuity  and  enterprise  of  the  people  who  accom- 
phshed  it.^^ 

Not  content  with  the  spacious  residence  of  his 
father,  Montezuma  erected  another  on  a  yet  more 
magnificent  scale.  It  occupied,  as  before  men- 
tioned, the  ground  partly  covered  by  the  private 
dwellings  on  one  side  of  the  plaza  mayor  of  the 
modern  city.  This  building,  or,  as  it  might  more 
correctly  be  styled,  pile  of  buildings,  spread  over 
an  extent  of  ground  so  vast  that,  as  one  of  the  Con- 
querors assures  us,  its  terraced  roof  might  have 
afforded  ample  room  for  thirty  knights  to  run  their 
courses  in  a  regular  tourney.^^  I  have  already  no- 
ticed its  interior  decorations,  its  fanciful  draperies, 
its  roofs  inlaid  with  cedar  and  other  odoriferous 
woods,  held  together  without  a  nail,  and,  probably, 
without  a  knowledge  of  the  arch,^^  its  numerous 
and  spacious  apartments,  which  Cortes,  with  en- 
thusiastic hyperbole,  does  not  hesitate  to  declare 
superior  to  anything  of  the  kind  in  Spain. ^^ 

Adjoining  the  principal  edifice  were  others,  de- 

"  These  immense  masses,  according  to  Martyr,  who  gathered  his 
information  from  eye-witnesses,  were  transported  by  means  of  long 
files  of  men,  who  dragged  them  with  ropes  over  huge  wooden  rollers, 
(De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  10.)  It  was  the  manner  in  which  the 
Egyptians  removed  their  enormous  blocks  of  granite,  as  appears  from 
numerous  reliefs  sculptured  on  their  buildings. 

'^  Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huorao,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  309. 

" "  Ricos  edificios,"  says  the  Licentiate  Zuazo,  speaking  of  the 
buildings  in  Anahuac  generally,  "  ecepto  que  no  se  halla  alguno  con 
boveda."  (Carta,  MS.)  The  writer  made  large  and  careful  observa- 
tion, the  year  after  the  Conquest.  His  assertion,  if  it  be  received, 
will  settle  a  question  much  mooted  among  antiquaries. 

"^ "  His  residence  within  the  city  was  so  marvellous  for  its  beauty 
and  vastness  that  it  seems  to  me  almost  impossible  to  describe  it.  I 
shall  therefore  say  no  more  of  it  than  that  there  is  nothing  like  it  in 
Spain."    Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  111. 


294  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

voted  to  various  objects.  One  was  an  armory, 
filled  with  the  weapons  and  military  dresses  worn 
by  the  Aztecs,  all  kept  in  the  most  perfect  order, 
ready  for  instant  use.  The  emperor  was  himself 
very  expert  in  the  management  of  the  maquahuitl, 
or  Indian  sword,  and  took  great  delight  in  witness- 
ing athletic  exercises  and  the  mimic  representation 
of  war  by  his  young  nobility.  Another  building 
was  used  as  a  granary,  and  others  as  warehouses 
for  the  different  articles  of  food  and  apparel  con- 
tributed by  the  districts  charged  with  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  royal  household. 

There  were,  also,  edifices  appropriated  to  ob- 
jects of  quite  another  kind.  One  of  these  was  an 
immense  aviary,  in  which  birds  of  splendid  plu- 
mage were  assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  empire. 
Here  was  the  scarlet  cardinal,  the  golden  pheasant, 
the  endless  parrot-tribe  with  their  rainbow  hues 
(the  royal  green  predominant) ,  and  that  miniature 
miracle  of  nature,  the  humming-bird,  which  de- 
lights to  revel  among  the  honeysuckle  bowers  of 
Mexico.^®  Three  hundred  attendants  had  charge 
of  this  aviary,  who  made  themselves  acquainted 
with  the  appropriate  food  of  its  inmates,  often- 
times procured  at  great  cost,  and  in  the  moulting 

"  Herrera's  account  of  these  feathered  insects,  if  one  may  so  style 
them,  shows  the  fanciful  errors  into  which  even  men  of  science  were 
led  in  regard  to  the  new  tribes  of  animals  discovered  in  America: 
"  There  are  some  birds  in  the  country  of  the  size  of  butterflies,  with 
long  beaks,  brilliant  plumage,  much  esteemed  for  the  curious  works 
made  of  them.  Like  the  bees,  they  live  on  flowers,  and  the  dew 
which  settles  on  them;  and  when  the  rainy  season  is  over,  and  the 
dry  weather  sets  in,  they  fasten  themselves  to  the  trees  by  their 
beaks  and  soon  die.  But  in  the  following  year,  when  the  new  rains 
come,  they  come  to  life  again  " !    Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  10,  cap.  31. 


1519]  PALACES  AND  MUSEUMS  295 

season  were  careful  to  collect  the  beautiful  plu- 
mage, which,  with  its  many-colored  tints,  furnished 
the  materials  for  the  Aztec  painter. 

A  separate  building  was  reserved  for  the  fierce 
birds  of  prey;  the  voracious  vulture-tribes  and 
eagles  of  enormous  size,  whose  home  was  in  the 
snowy  solitudes  of  the  Andes.  No  less  than  five 
hundred  turkeys,*  the  cheapest  meat  in  Mexico, 
were  allowed  for  the  daily  consumption  of  these 
tyrants  of  the  feathered  race. 

Adjoining  this  aviary  was  a  menagerie  of  wild 
animals,  gathered  from  the  mountain  forests,  and 
even  from  the  remote  swamps  of  the  tierra  caliente. 
The  resemblance  of  the  different  species  to  those 
in  the  Old  World,  with  which  no  one  of  them,  how- 
ever, was  identical,  led  to  a  perpetual  confusion  in 
the  nomenclature  of  the  Spaniards,  as  it  has  since 
done  in  that  of  better-instructed  naturalists.  The 
collection  was  still  further  swelled  by  a  great  num- 
ber of  reptiles  and  serpents  remarkable  for  their 
size  and  venomous  qualities,  among  which  the 
Spaniards  beheld  the  fiery  little  animal  "  with  the 
castanets  in  his  tail,"  the  terror  of  the  American 
wilderness.^^  The  serpents  were  confined  in  long 
cages  lined  with  down  or  feathers,  or  in  troughs  of 
mud  and  water.  The  beasts  and  birds  of  prey  were 
provided  with  apartments  large  enough  to  allow  of 

"  "  Pues  mas  tenian,"  says  the  honest  Captain  Diaz,  "  en  aquella 
maldita  casa  muchas  Vfboras,  y  Culebras  enipon9onadas,  que  traen 
en  las  colas  vnos  que  suenan  como  cascabeles;  estas  son  las  peores 
Vfboras  de  todas."     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  91. 

*  [The  turkey  was  introduced  to  Europe  from  Mexico,  as  has  be- 
fore been  stated.— M.] 


296  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

their  moving  about,  and  secured  by  a  strong  lattice- 
work, through  which  Hght  and  air  were  freely  ad- 
mitted. The  whole  was  placed  under  the  charge  of 
numerous  keepers,  who  acquainted  themselves  with 
the  habits  of  their  prisoners  and  provided  for  their 
comfort  and  cleanliness.  With  what  deep  interest 
would  the  enlightened  naturalist  of  that  day — an 
Oviedo,  or  a  Martyr,  for  example— have  surveyed 
this  magnificent  collection,  in  which  the  various 
tribes  which  roamed  over  the  Western  wilderness, 
the  unknown  races  of  an  unknown  world,  were 
brought  into  one  view !  How  would  they  have  de- 
lighted to  study  the  peculiarities  of  these  new 
species,  compared  with  those  of  their  own  hemi- 
sphere, and  thus  have  risen  to  some  comprehension 
of  the  general  laws  by  which  Nature  acts  in  all  her 
works!  The  rude  followers  of  Cortes  did  not 
trouble  themselves  with  such  refined  speculations. 
They  gazed  on  the  spectacle  with  a  vague  curi- 
osity not  unmixed  with  awe;  and,  as  they  listened 
to  the  wild  cries  of  the  ferocious  animals  and  the 
hissings  of  the  serpents,  they  almost  fancied  them- 
selves in  the  infernal  regions. ^^ 

I  must  not  omit  to  notice  a  strange  collection  of 
human  monsters,  dwarfs,  and  other  unfortunate 
persons  in  whose  organization  Nature  had  capri- 
ciously deviated  from  her  regular  laws.  Such 
hideous  anomalies  were  regarded  by  the  Aztecs 
as  a  suitable  appendage  of  state.     It  is  even  said 


^ "  Digamos  aora,"  exclaims  Captain  Diaz,  "  las  cosas  infernales 
que  hazian,  quando  bramauan  los  Tigres  y  Leones,  y  aullauan  los 
Adiues  y  Zorros,  y  silbauan  las  Sierpes,  era  grima  oirlo,  y  parecia 
infierno."    Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  91. 


1519]  PALACES  AND   MUSEUMS  297 

they  were  in  some  cases  the  result  of  artificial 
means,  employed  by  unnatural  parents  desir- 
ous to  secure  a  provision  for  their  offspring  by 
thus  qualifying  them  for  a  place  in  the  royal 
museum !  ^^ 

Extensive  gardens  were  spread  out  around  these 
buildings,  filled  with  fragrant  shrubs  and  flowers, 
and  especially  with  medicinal  plants.^"  No  coun- 
try has  afforded  more  numerous  species  of  these 
last  than  New  Spain;  and  their  virtues  were  per- 
fectly understood  by  the  Aztecs,  with  whom  medi- 
cal botany  may  be  said  to  have  been  studied  as  a 
science.  Amidst  this  labyrinth  of  sweet-scented 
groves  and  shrubberies,  fountains  of  pure  water 
might  be  seen  throwing  up  their  sparkling  jets  and 
scattering  refreshing  dews  over  the  blossoms.  Ten 
large  tanks,  well  stocked  with  fish,  afforded  a  re- 
treat on  their  margins  to  various  tribes  of  water^ 
fowl,  whose  habits  were  so  carefully  consulted  that 
some  of  these  ponds  were  of  salt  water,  as  that 
which  they  most  loved  to  frequent.  A  tessellated 
pavement  of  marble  enclosed  the  ample  basins, 
which  were  overhung  by  light  and  fanciful  pavil- 
ions, that  admitted  the  perfumed  breezes  of  the 
gardens,  and  offered  a  grateful  shelter  to  the  mon- 

^  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  111- 
113. — Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS. — Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS., 
Parte  3,  cap.  7.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  11,  46. 

'"  Montezuma,  according  to  Gomara,  would  allow  no  fruit-trees, 
considering  them  as  unsuitable  to  pleasure-grounds.  (Cr6nica,  cap. 
75.)  Toribio  says,  to  the  same  effect,  "  Los  Indios  Sefiores  no  pro- 
curan  drboles  de  fruta,  porque  se  la  traen  sus  vasallos,  sino  drboles 
de  floresta,  de  donde  cojan  rosas,  y  adonde  se  crian  aves,  asi  para 
gozar  del  canto,  como  para  las  tirar  con  Cerbatana,  de  la  cual  son 
grandes  tiradores."    Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  6. 


298  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

arch   and   his   mistresses   in   the   sultry   heats   of 
summer.^^ 

But  the  most  luxurious  residence  of  the  Aztec 
monarch,  at  that  season,  was  the  royal  hill  of  Cha- 
poltepec, — a  spot  consecrated,  moreover,  by  the 
ashes  of  his  ancestors.  It  stood  in  a  westerly  direc- 
tion from  the  capital,  and  its  base  was,  in  his  day, 
washed  by  the  waters  of  the  Tezcuco.  On  its  lofty 
crest  of  porphyritic  rock  there  now  stands  the  mag- 
nificent, though  desolate,  castle  erected  by  the 
young  viceroy  Galvez  at  the  close  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.^  ^  The  view  from  its  windows  is 
one  of  the  finest  in  the  environs  of  Mexico.  The 
landscape  is  not  disfigured  here,  as  in  many  other 
quarters,  by  the  white  and  barren  patches,  so  offen- 
sive to  the  sight;  but  the  eye  wanders  over  an  un- 
broken expanse  of  meadows  and  cultivated  fields, 
waving  with  rich  harvests  of  European  grain. 
Montezuma's  gardens  stretched  for  miles  around 
the  base  of  the  hill.  Two  statues  of  that  monarch 
and  his  father,  cut  in  bas-relief  in  the  porphyry, 
were  spared  till  the  middle  of  the  last  century ;  ^^ 
and  the  grounds  are  still  shaded  by  gigantic  cy- 
presses, more  than  fifty  feet  in  circumference, 
which  were  centuries  old  at  the  time  of  the  Con- 
quest.^^    The  place  is  now  a  tangled  wilderness  of 

'^Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  6.— Rel.  Seg. 
de  Cortes,  ubi  supra. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  11. 

"  [It  is  used  at  the  present  day  for  a  military  school.  Conquista 
de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  i.  p.  370.] 

"  Gomara,  a  competent  critic,  who  saw  them  just  before  their  de- 
struction, praises  their  execution.  Gama,  Descripcion,  Parte  2,  pp. 
81-83.— Also,  ante,  vol.  i.  p.  157. 

"  [Yet  the  whole  of  this  beautiful  grove  was  not  spared.  The  axes 
of  the  Conquerors  levelled  such  of  the  trees  as  grew  round  the  foun- 


1519]  ROYAL    HOUSEHOLD  299 

wild  shrubs,  where  the  myrtle  mingles  its  dark, 
glossy  leaves  with  the  red  berries  and  delicate 
foliage  of  the  pepper-tree.  Surely  there  is  no  spot 
better  suited  to  awaken  meditation  on  the  past; 
none  where  the  traveller,  as  he  sits  under  those 
stately  cypresses  gray  with  the  moss  of  ages,  can 
so  fitly  ponder  on  the  sad  destinies  of  the  Indian 
races  and  the  monarch  who  once  held  his  courtly 
revels  under  the  shadow  of  their  branches. 

The  domestic  establishment  of  ^Montezuma  was 
on  the  same  scale  of  barbaric  splendor  as  every- 
thing else  about  him.  He  could  boast  as  many 
wives  as  are  found  in  the  harem  of  an  Eastern  sul- 
tan.^^  They  were  lodged  in  their  own  apartments, 
and  provided  with  every  accommodation,  accord- 
ing to  their  ideas,  for  personal  comfort  and  clean- 
liness. They  passed  their  hours  in  the  usual  femi- 
nine employments  of  weaving  and  embroidery, 
especially  in  the  graceful  feather-work,  for  which 
such  rich  materials  were  furnished  by  the  royal 
aviaries.  They  conducted  themselves  with  strict 
decorum,  under  the  supervision  of  certain  aged  fe- 
males, who  acted  in  the  respectable  capacity  of 
duennas,  in  the  same  manner  as  in  the  religious 
houses  attached  to  the  teocallis.  The  palace  was 
supplied  with  numerous  baths,  and  Montezuma  set 
the  example,  in  his  own  person,  of  frequent  ablu- 
tions.    He  bathed  at  least  once,  and  changed  his 

tain  of  Chapoltepec  and  dropped  their  decayed  leaves  into  its  waters. 
The  order  of  the  municipality,  dated  February  28,  1527,  is  quoted  by 
Alaman,  Disertaciones  historicas,  torn.  ii.  p.  290.] 

''No  less  than  one  thousand,  if  we  believe  Gomara;  who  adds  the 
edifying  intelligence,  "  que  huvo  vez,  que  tuvo  ciento  i  cincuenta  pre- 
nadas  a  un  tiempo !  " 


300  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

dress  four  times,  it  is  said,  every  day.^^  He  never 
put  on  the  same  apparel  a  second  time,  but  gave 
it  away  to  his  attendants.  Queen  EHzabeth,  with 
a  similar  taste  for  costume,  showed  a  less  princely 
spirit  in  hoarding  her  discarded  suits.  Her  ward- 
robe was,  probably,  somewhat  more  costly  than 
that  of  the  Indian  emperor. 

Besides  his  numerous  female  retinue,  the  halls 
and  antechambers  were  filled  with  nobles  in  con- 
stant attendance  on  his  person,  who  served  also  as 
a  sort  of  body-guard.  It  had  been  usual  for  ple- 
beians of  merit  to  fill  certain  offices  in  the  palace. 
But  the  haughty  JNIontezuma  refused  to  be  waited 
upon  by  any  but  men  of  noble  birth.  They  were 
not  unfrequently  the  sons  of  the  great  chiefs,  and 
remained  as  hostages  in  the  absence  of  their  fa- 
thers; thus  serving  the  double  purpose  of  security 
and  state.^^ 

His  meals  the  emperor  took  alone.  The  well- 
matted  floor  of  a  large  saloon  was  covered  with 

" "  Vestiase  todos  los  dias  quatro  maneras  de  vestiduras  todas 
nuevas,  y  nunca  mas  se  las  vestia  otra  vez."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  114. 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  91. — Gomara,  Cronica, 
cap.  67,  71,  76.— Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  113,  114.— 
Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7. — "A  la  puerta  de 
la  sala  estaba  vn  patio  mui  grande  en  que  habia  cien  aposentos  de  ^25 
6  30  pies  de  largo  cada  vno  sobre  si  en  torno  de  dicho  patio,  e  alii 
estaban  los  Seiiores  principales  aposentados  como  guardas  del  palacio 
ordinarias,  y  estos  tales  aposentos  se  llaman  galpones,  los  quales  a  la 
contina  ocupan  mas  de  600  hombres,  que  jamas  se  quitaban  de  aUi,  e 
cada  vno  de  aquellos  tenian  mas  de  30  servidores  de  manera  que  a  lo 
menos  nunca  faltaban  3000  hombres  de  guerra  en  esta  guarda  cote- 
diana  del  palacio."  (Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  46.) 
A  very  curious  and  full  account  of  Montezuma's  household  is  given 
by  this  author,  as  he  gathered  it  from  the  Spaniards  who  saw  it  in  its 
splendor.  As  Oviedo's  history  still  remains  in  manuscript,  I  have 
transferred  the  chapter  in  the  original  Castilian  to  Appendix,  No.  10. 


1519]  ROYAL   HOUSEHOLD  301 

hundreds  of  dishes."^^  Sometimes  Montezuma  him- 
self, but  more  frequently  his  steward,  indicated 
those  which  he  preferred,  and  which  were  kept  hot 
by  means  of  chafing-dishes.^''  The  royal  bill  of 
fare  comprehended,  besides  domestic  animals, 
game  from  the  distant  forests,  and  fish  which,  the 
day  before,  were  swimming  in  the  Gulf  of  INIexico ! 
They  were  dressed  in  manifold  ways,  for  the  Aztec 
artisteSj  as  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  notice, 
had  penetrated  deep  into  the  mysteries  of  culinary 
science.^° 

The  meats  were  served  by  the  attendant  nobles, 
who  then  resigned  the  office  of  waiting  on  the 
monarch  to  maidens  selected  for  their  personal 
grace  and  beauty.  A  screen  of  richly  gilt  and 
canned  wood  was  drawn  around  him,  so  as  to  con- 
ceal him  from  vulgar  eyes  during  the  repast.  He 
was  seated  on  a  cushion,  and  the  dinner  was  served 

'*  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  91. — Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ubi  supra. 

'^ "  Y  porque  la  Tierra  es  f  ria  trahian  debaxo  de  cada  plato  y 
escudilla  de  man  jar  un  braserico  con  brasa,  porque  no  se  enfriasse." 
Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  113. 

*"  Bernal  Diaz  has  given  us  a  few  items  of  the  royal  carte.  The 
first  cover  is  rather  a  startling  one,  being  a  fricassee  or  stew  of  little 
children!  "carries  de  muchachos  de  poca  edad."  *  He  admits,  how- 
ever, that  this  is  somewhat  apocryphal.     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

*  [The  story  of  Bernal  Diaz  is  not  at  all  improbable.  Young  chil- 
dren were  frequently  sacrificed  in  order  to  obtain  the  auspices.  As 
the  flesh  of  human  victims  was  always  eaten,  it  goes  without  saying 
that  "  dishes  of  tender  children "  must  have  appeared  at  times 
upon  the  tables.  Bancroft  (Native  Races,  vol.  ii.  p.  176,  Note) 
explains  that  Torquemada  (Monarq.  Ind.)  "regrets  that  certain  per- 
sons, out  of  the  ill-will  they  bore  the  Mexicans,  have  falsely  imputed 
to  Montezuma  the  crime  of  eating  human  flesh,  without  its  being 
well  seasoned,  but  he  admits  that  when  properly  cooked  and  dis- 
guised, the  flesh  of  those  sacrificed  to  the  gods  appeared  at  the  royal 
board.— M.] 


302  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

on  a  low  table  covered  with  a  delicate  cotton  cloth. 
The  dishes  were  of  the  finest  ware  of  Cholula. 
He  had  a  service  of  gold,  which  was  reserved  for 
religious  celebrations.  Indeed,  it  would  scarcely 
have  comported  with  even  his  princely  revenues 
to  have  used  it  on  ordinary  occasions,  when  his 
table-equipage  was  not  allowed  to  appear  a  second 
time,  but  was  given  away  to  his  attendants.  The 
saloon  was  lighted  by  torches  made  of  a  resinous 
wood,  which  sent  forth  a  sweet  odor  and,  probably, 
not  a  little  smoke,  as  they  burned.  At  his  meal,  he 
was  attended  by  five  or  six  of  his  ancient  coun- 
sellors, who  stood  at  a  respectful  distance,  answer- 
ing his  questions,  and  occasionally  rejoiced  by  some 
of  the  viands  with  which  he  complimented  them 
from  his  table. 

This  course  of  solid  dishes  was  succeeded  by 
another  of  sweetmeats  and  pastry,  for  which  the 
Aztec  cooks,  provided  with  the  important  requi- 
sites of  maize-flour,  eggs,  and  the  rich  sugar  of  the 
aloe,  were  famous.  Two  girls  were  occupied  at 
the  farther  end  of  the  apartment,  during  dinner, 
in  preparing  fine  rolls  and  wafers,  with  which  they 
garnished  the  board  from  time  to  time.  The  em- 
peror took  no  other  beverage  than  the  chocolatl, 
a  potation  of  chocolate,  flavored  with  vanilla  and 
other  spices,  and  so  prepared  as  to  be  reduced  to  a 
froth  of  the  consistency  of  honey,  which  gradually 
dissolved  in  the  mouth.  This  beverage,  if  so  it 
could  be  called,  was  served  in  golden  goblets,  with 
spoons  of  the  same  metal  or  of  tortoise-shell  finely 
wrought.  The  emperor  was  exceedingly  fond  of 
it,  to  judge  from  the  quantity — no  less  than  fifty 


1519]         MONTEZUMA'S   WAY   OF   LIFE  303 

jars  or  pitchers— prepared  for  his  own  daily  con- 
sumption/^ Two  thousand  more  were  allowed  for 
that  of  his  household.^  ^ 

The  general  arrangement  of  the  meal  seems  to 
have  been  not  very  unlike  that  of  Europeans.  But 
no  prince  in  Europe  could  boast  a  dessert  which 
could  compare  with  that  of  the  Aztec  emperor. 
For  it  was  gathered  fresh  from  the  most  opposite 
climes ;  and  his  board  displayed  the  products  of  his 
own  temperate  region,  and  the  luscious  fruits  of 
the  tropics,  plucked,  the  day  previous,  from  the 
green  groves  of  the  tierra  caliente,  and  trans- 
mitted with  the  speed  of  steam,  by  means  of 
couriers,  to  the  capital.  It  was  as  if  some  kind 
fairy  should  crown  our  banquets  with  the  spicy 
products  that  but  yesterday  were  growing  in  a 
sunny  isle  of  the  far-off  Indian  seas !  * 

After  the  emperor's  appetite  was  appeased, 
water  was  handed  to  him  by  the  female  attendants 
in  a  silver  basin,  in  the  same  manner  as  had  been 
done  before  commencing  his  meal;  for  the  Aztecs 
were  as  constant  in  their  ablutions,  at  these  times, 
as  any  nation  of  the  East.  Pipes  were  then 
brought,  made  of  a  varnished  and  richly-gilt 
wood,  from  which  he  inhaled,  sometimes  through 

*^"Lo  que  yo  vi,"  says  Diaz,  speaking  from  his  own  observation, 
"que  traian  sobre  cincuenta  jarros  grandes  hechos  de  buen  cacao  con 
su  espuma,  y  de  lo  que  bebia."     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  91. 

"Ibid.,  ubi  supra.— Rel.  Seg.  de  Cort<^s,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  113, 
114.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  11,  46.— Gomara, 
Cronica,  cap.  67. 

*  [This  description,  as  Senor  Alaman  observes,  seems  to  have  a 
tincture  of  romance,  since  many  of  the  fruits  now  produced  in  such 
abundance  in  Mexico  were  unknown  there  previous  to  the  Conquest. 
Conquista  de  M^jico,  trad,  de  Vega,  torn.  i.  p.  373.— K.] 


304)  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

the  nose,  at  others  through  the  mouth,  the  fumes 
of  an  intoxicating  weed,  "  called  tobacco,"  ^^  min- 
gled with  liquid  amber.  While  this  soothing  pro- 
cess of  fumigation  was  going  on,  the  emperor 
enjoyed  the  exhibitions  of  his  mountebanks  and 
jugglers,  of  whom  a  regular  corps  was  attached  to 
the  palace.  No  people,  not  even  those  of  China  or 
Hindostan,  surpassed  the  Aztecs  in  feats  of  agility 
and  legerdemain.^^ 

Sometimes  he  amused  himself  with  his  jester; 
for  the  Indian  monarch  had  his  jesters,  as  well  as 
his  more  refined  brethren  of  Europe,  at  that  day. 
Indeed,  he  used  to  say  that  more  instruction  was  to 
be  gathered  from  them  than  from  wiser  men,  for 
they  dared  to  tell  the  truth.  At  other  times  he  wit- 
nessed the  graceful  dances  of  his  women,  or  took 
delight  in  listening  to  music, — if  the  rude  min- 
strelsy of  the  Mexicans  deserve  that  name, — ac- 
companied by  a  chant,  in  slow  and  solemn  cadence, 
celebrating  the  heroic  deeds  of  great  Aztec  war- 
riors, or  of  his  own  princely  line. 

When  he  had  sufficiently  refreshed  his  spirits 
with  these  diversions,  he  composed  himself  to  sleep, 
for  in  his  siesta  he  was  as  regular  as  a  Spaniard. 
On  awaking,  he  gave  audience  to  ambassadors 
from  foreign  states  or  his  own  tributary  cities,  or 
to  such  caciques  as  had  suits  to  prefer  to  him. 

*" "  Tambien  le  ponian  en  la  mesa  tres  canutos  muy  pintados,  y 
dorados,  y  dentro  traian  liquidamhar,  rebuelto  con  vnas  yervas  que  se 
dize  tabaco."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  91. 

"The  feats  of  jugglers  and  tumblers  were  a  favorite  diversion 
with  the  Grand  Khan  of  China,  as  Sir  John  Maundeville  informs  us. 
(Voiage  and  Travaille,  chap.  '22.)  The  Aztec  mountebanks  had  such 
repute,  that  Cortes  sent  two  of  them  to  Rome  to  amuse  his  Holiness 
Clement  VII.    Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  ii.  p.  186. 


1519]         MONTEZUMA'S  WAY  OF  LIFE  305 

They  were  introduced  by  the  young  nobles  in  at- 
tendance, and,  whatever  might  be  their  rank,  un- 
less of  the  blood  royal,  they  were  obliged  to  sub- 
mit to  the  humiliation  of  shrouding  their  rich 
dresses  under  the  coarse  mantle  of  nequen,  and  en- 
tering bare-footed,  with  downcast  eyes,  into  the 
presence.  The  emperor  addressed  few  and  brief 
remarks  to  the  suitors,  answering  them  generally 
by  his  secretaries ;  and  the  parties  retired  with  the 
same  reverential  obeisance,  taking  care  to  keep 
their  faces  turned  towards  the  monarch.  Well 
might  Cortes  exclaim  that  no  court,  whether  of  the 
Grand  Seignior  or  any  other  infidel,  ever  displayed 
so  pompous  and  elaborate  a  ceremonial!  ^^ 

Besides  the  crowd  of  retainers  already  noticed, 
the  royal  household  was  not  complete  without  a 
host  of  artisans  constantly  employed  in  the  erec- 
tion or  repair  of  buildings,  besides  a  great  number 
of  jewellers  and  persons  skilled  in  working  metals, 
who  found  abundant  demand  for  their  trinkets 
among  the  dark-eyed  beauties  of  the  harem.  The 
imperial  mummers  and  jugglers  were  also  very 
numerous,  and  the  dancers  belonging  to  the  palace 
occupied  a  particular  district  of  the  city,  appro- 
priated exclusively  to  them. 

The  maintenance  of  this  little  host,  amounting 
to  some  thousands  of  individuals,  involved  a  heavy 
expenditure,  requiring  accounts  of  a  complicated 
and,  to  a  simple  people,  it  might  well  be,  embar- 
rassing nature.     Everything,  however,  was  con- 

** "  Ninguno  de  los  Soldanes,  ni  otro  ningun  senor  infiel,  de  los  que 
hasta  agora  se  tiene  noticia,  no  creo,  que  tantas,  ni  tales  ceremonias 
en  servicio  tengan."     Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  115. 


306  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

ducted  with  perfect  order;  and  all  the  various  re- 
ceipts and  disbursements  were  set  down  in  the 
picture-writing  of  the  country.  The  arithmetical 
characters  were  of  a  more  refined  and  conventional 
sort  than  those  for  narrative  purposes ;  and  a  sepa- 
rate apartment  was  filled  with  hieroglyphical 
legers,  exhibiting  a  complete  view  of  the  economy 
of  the  palace.  The  care  of  all  this  was  intrusted 
to  a  treasurer,  who  acted  as  a  sort  of  major-domo 
in  the  household,  having  a  general  superinten- 
dence over  all  its  concerns.  This  responsible  ofiice, 
on  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  was  in  the  hands 
of  a  trusty  cacique  named  Tapia.^^  * 

Such  is  the  picture  of  Montezuma's  domestic  es- 
tablishment t  and  way  of  living,  as  delineated  by 

**  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  91. — Carta  del  Lie. 
Zuazo,  MS.— Ovledo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  ubi  supra. — Toribio, 
Hist,  de  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7. — Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  pp.  110-115. — Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio, 
torn,  iii,  fol.  306. 

*  [The  name,  which  is  Spanish,  not  Aztec,  was  that  given  to  him 
by  the  Conquerors,  perhaps  with  some  reference  to  one  of  their  own 
number,  Andres  de  Tapia. — K.] 

t  [Prescott's  picture  of  Montezuma's  domestic  establishment  and 
way  of  living  is  drawn,  without  enlargement,  from  sketches  sup- 
plied by  Cortes  and  Bernal  Diaz — two  men  who  saic  the  state  in 
which  the  Aztec  chief  lived.  Their  observations  extended  over  a 
period  of  only  five  days,  as  Cortes  made  Montezuma  his  prisoner  at 
the  end  of  that  time.  Subsequent  historians,  amplifying  details  only 
hinted  at  by  the  two  eye-witnesses,  have  given  free  rein  to  the  im- 
agination. The  last  important  contribution  to  the  subject  came  from 
the  pen  of  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  ii.  chap,  iv  (Palaces 
and  Households  of  the  Nahua  Kings).  It  was  his  glowing  account, 
in  which  were  incorporated  the  details  specified  by  the  later  Spanish 
historians,  which  so  roused  the  indignation  of  Lewis  H.  Morgan  as 
to  move  that  scholar  to  put  forth  his  famous  essay,  "  Montezuma's 
Dinner."  This  essay  created  an  immense  impression  when  it  first 
appeared,  but  a  careful  examination  will  demonstrate  the  fact  that 
it  contains  almost  as  many  misstatements  as  do  the  pages  of  Ban- 


1519]         MONTEZUMA'S  WAY   OF  LIFE  307 

the  Conquerors  and  their  immediate  followers,  who 
had  the  best  means  of  information;^^  too  highly 
colored,  it  may  be,  by  the  proneness  to  exaggerate, 
which  was  natural  to  those  who  first  witnessed  a 
spectacle  so  striking  to  the  imagination,  so  new  and 
unexpected.  I  have  thought  it  best  to  present  the 
full  details,  trivial  though  they  may  seem  to  the 
reader,  as  affording  a  curious  picture  of  manners 
so  superior  in  point  of  refinement  to  those  of  the 
other  aboriginal  tribes  on  the  North  American 
continent.  Nor  are  they,  in  fact,  so  trivial,  when 
we  reflect  that  in  these  details  of  private  life  we 

"If  the  historian  will  descend  but  a  generation  later  for  his  au- 
thorities, he  may  find  materials  for  as  good  a  chapter  as  any  in  Sir 
John  Maundeville  or  the  Arabian  Nights. 

croft.  Mr.  Morgan  begins  by  saying  that  the  histories  of  Spanish 
America  may  be  trusted  in  whatever  relates  "  to  the  acts  and  per- 
sonal characteristics  of  the  Indians:  in  whatever  relates  to  their 
weapons,  implements,  and  utensils,  fabrics,  food,  and  raiment,  and 
things  of  a  similar  character,"  and  then  entirely  ignores  the  fact 
that  Cortes  and  Bernal  Diaz  actually  saw  what  thej'  afterward  de- 
scribed. He  points  out,  what  most  men  will  at  once  admit,  that  the 
dinners  the  Conquerors  described  were  not  repasts  provided  for  a  king 
alone,  but  that  they  represented  the  daily  fare  of  a  great  communal 
household.  Meals  prepared  on  almost  as  large  a  scale  were  served 
in  other  great  communal  houses  in  Mexico.  In  fact,  all  the  dinners 
served  in  the  city  were  communal  dinners,  for  all  the  authorities 
agree  that  even  the  smallest  houses  were  inhabited  by  several  families. 
But  when,  with  fine  scorn,  he  takes  exception  to  the  expression 
"  wine  cellars,"  and  claims,  first,  that  cellars  were  impossible  in  a  city 
where  the  level  of  the  streets  and  courts  was  but  four  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  water  of  the  surrounding  lake,  and,  second,  that  the 
Aztecs  had  no  knowledge  of  wine,  we  feel  that  he  is  hypercritical. 
When  he  goes  on  to  say  that  "  though  an  acid  beer,  pulque,  was  a 
common  beverage  of  the  Aztecs,  yet  it  is  hardUj  supposable  that  even 
this  was  used  at  dinner,"  one  is  inevitably  led  to  the  conclusion  that 
Mr,  Morgan  had  but  little  knowledge  of  the  dinner  habits  of  some  of 
his  contemporaries  in  the  cities  of  western  New  York.  It  is  not  in- 
conceivable that  even  in  his  own  city  of  Rochester  families  can  be 
found  who  take  beer  with  their  principal  meal.— M.] 


308  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

possess  a  surer  measure  of  civilization  than  in  those 
of  a  public  nature. 

In  surveying  them  we  are  strongly  reminded  of 
the  civilization  of  the  East;  not  of  that  higher,  in- 
tellectual kind  which  belonged  to  the  more  pol- 
ished Arabs  and  the  Persians,  but  that  semi-civili- 
zation which  has  distinguished,  for  example,  the 
Tartar  races,  among  whom  art,  and  even  science, 
have  made,  indeed,  some  progress  in  the  adaptation 
to  material  wants  and  sensual  gratification,  but  lit- 
tle in  reference  to  the  higher  and  more  ennobling 
interests  of  humanity.  It  is  characteristic  of  such 
a  people  to  find  a  puerile  pleasure  in  a  dazzling  and 
ostentatious  pageantry;  to  mistake  show  for  sub- 
stance, vain  pomp  for  power;  to  hedge  round  the 
throne  itself  with  a  barren  and  burdensome  cere- 
monial, the  counterfeit  of  real  majesty. 

Even  this,  however,  was  an  advance  in  refine- 
ment, compared  with  the  rude  manners  of  the  ear- 
lier Aztecs.  The  change  may,  doubtless,  be  re- 
ferred in  some  degree  to  the  personal  influence  of 
Montezuma.  In  his  younger  days  he  had  tempered 
the  fierce  habits  of  the  soldier  with  the  milder  pro- 
fession of  religion.  In  later  life  he  had  withdrawn 
himself  still  more  from  the  brutalizing  occupations 
of  war,  and  his  manners  acquired  a  refinement, 
tinctured,  it  may  be  added,  with  an  effeminacy, 
unknown  to  his  martial  predecessors. 

The  condition  of  the  empire,  too,  under  his  reign, 
was  favorable  to  this  change.  The  dismember- 
ment of  the  Tezcucan  kingdom  on  the  death  of  the 
great  ISTezahualpilli  had  left  the  Aztec  monarchy 
without  a  rival ;  and  it  soon  spread  its  colossal  arms 


1519]         MONTEZUMA'S  WAY   OF  LIFE  309 

over  the  farthest  limits  of  Anahuac.  The  aspir- 
ing mind  of  Montezuma  rose  with  the  acquisition 
of  wealth  and  power;  and  he  displayed  the  con- 
sciousness of  new  importance  by  the  assumption 
of  unprecedented  state.  He  affected  a  reserve  un- 
known to  his  predecessors,  withdrew  his  person 
from  the  vulgar  eye,  and  fenced  himself  round 
with  an  elaborate  and  courtly  etiquette.  When 
he  went  abroad,  it  was  in  state,  on  some  public  oc- 
casion, usually  to  the  great  temple,  to  take  part  in 
the  religious  services;  and  as  he  passed  along  he 
exacted  from  his  people,  as  we  have  seen,  the  hom- 
age of  an  adulation  worthy  of  an  Oriental  des- 
pot.^ ^  His  haughty  demeanor  touched  the  pride  of 
his  more  potent  vassals,  particularly  those  who,  at 
a  distance,  felt  themselves  nearly  independent  of 
his  authority.  His  exactions,  demanded  by  the 
profuse  expenditure  of  his  palace,  scattered  broad- 
cast the  seeds  of  discontent ;  and,  while  the  empire 
seemed  towering  in  its  most  palmy  and  prosperous 
state,  the  canker  had  eaten  deepest  into  its  heart. 

*^ "  Referre  in  tanto  rege  piget  superbam  mutationem  vestis,  et 
desideratas  humi  jacentium  adulationes."  (Livy,  Hist.,  lib.  9,  cap. 
18.)  The  remarks  of  the  Roman  historian  in  reference  to  Alexander, 
after  he  was  infected  by  the  manners  of  Persia,  fit  equally  well  the 
Aztec  emperor. 


CHAPTER  II 

MARKET     OF     MEXICO  — GREAT     TEMPLE  — INTERIOR 
SANCTUARIES  — SPANISH   QUARTERS 

1519 

FOUR  days  had  elapsed  since  the  Spaniards 
made  their  entry  into  Mexico.  Whatever 
schemes  their  commander  may  have  revolved  in  his 
mind,  he  felt  that  he  could  determine  on  no  plan  of 
operations  till  he  had  seen  more  of  the  capital  and 
ascertained  by  his  own  inspection  the  nature  of  its 
resources.  He  accordingly,  as  was  observed  at  the 
close  of  the  last  Book,  sent  to  Montezuma,  asking 
permission  to  visit  the  great  teocalli,  and  some  other 
places  in  the  city. 

The  friendly  monarch  consented  without  diffi- 
culty. He  even  prepared  to  go  in  person  to  the 
great  temple  to  receive  his  guests  there, — it  may 
be,  to  shield  the  shrine  of  his  tutelar  deity  from  any 
attempted  profanation.  He  was  acquainted,  as 
we  have  already  seen,  with  the  proceedings  of  the 
Spaniards  on  similar  occasions  in  the  course  of  their 
march.  Cortes  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  little 
corps  of  cavalry,  and  nearly  all  the  Spanish  foot, 
as  usual,  and  followed  the  caciques  sent  by  INIonte- 
zuma  to  guide  him.    They  proposed  first  to  con- 

310 


1519]  MARKET  OF  MEXICO  311 

duct  him  to  the  great  market  of  Tlatelolco,  in  the 
western  part  of  the  city. 

On  the  way,  the  Spaniards  were  struck,  in  the 
same  manner  as  they  had  been  on  entering  the  capi- 
tal, with  the  appearance  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
their  great  superiority  in  the  style  and  quality  of 
their  dress  over  the  people  of  the  lower  countries/ 
The  tilmatli,  or  cloak  thrown  over  the  shoulders 
and  tied  round  the  neck,  made  of  cotton  of  differ- 
ent degrees  of  fineness,  according  to  the  condition 
of  the  wearer,  and  the  ample  sash  around  the  loins, 
were  often  wrought  in  rich  and  elegant  figures  and 
edged  with  a  deep  fringe  or  tassel.  As  the  weather 
was  now  growing  cool,  mantles  of  fur  or  of  the 
gorgeous  feather-work  were  sometimes  substituted. 
The  latter  combined  the  advantage  of  great 
warmth  with  beauty.^  The  Mexicans  had  also  the 
art  of  spinning  a  fine  thread  of  the  hair  of  the  rab- 
bit and  other  animals,  which  they  wove  into  a  deli- 
cate web  that  took  a  permanent  dye. 

The  women,  as  in  other  parts  of  the  country, 
seemed  to  go  about  as  freely  as  the  men.  They 
wore    several    skirts    or    petticoats    of    different 

^ "  La  Gente  de  esta  Ciudad  es  de  mas  manera  y  priraor  en  su  ves- 
tido,  y  servicio,  que  no  la  otra  de  estas  otras  Provincias,  y  Ciudades; 
porque  conio  alii  estaba  siempre  este  Senor  Muteczuma,  y  todos  los 
Senores  sus  Vasallos  ocurrian  siempre  a  la  Ciudad,  habia  en  ella  mas 
manera,  y  policia  en  todas  las  cosas."  Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p. 
109. 

'  Zuazo,  speaking  of  the  beauty  and  warmth  of  this  national  fabric, 
says,  "  Vi  muchas  mantas  de  d  dos  haces  labradas  de  plumas  de 
papos  de  aves  tan  suaves,  que  trayendo  la  mano  por  encima  a  pelo  y 
A  pospelo,  no  era  mas  que  vna  manta  zebellina  mui  bien  adobada: 
hice  pesar  vna  dellas;  no  pes6  mas  de  seis  onzas.  Dicen  que  en  el 
tiempo  del  Ynbierno  una  abasta  para  encima  de  la  camisa  sin  otro 
cobertor  ni  mas  ropa  encima  de  la  cama."    Carta,  MS. 


312  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

lengths,  with  highly-ornamented  borders,  and 
sometimes  over  them  loose  flowing  robes,  which 
reached  to  the  ankles.  These,  also,  were  made  of 
cotton,  for  the  wealthier  classes,  of  a  fine  texture, 
prettily  embroidered.^  No  veils  were  worn  here, 
as  in  some  other  parts  of  Anahuac,  where  they  were 
made  of  the  aloe  thread,  or  of  the  light  web  of  hair, 
above  noticed.  The  Aztec  women  had  their  faces 
exposed ;  and  their  dark,  raven  tresses  floated  lux- 
uriantly over  their  shoulders,  revealing  features 
which,  although  of  a  dusky  or  rather  cinnamon  hue, 
were  not  unfrequently  pleasing,  while  touched 
with  the  serious,  even  sad  expression  characteristic 
of  the  national  physiognomy.^ 

On  drawing  near  to  the  tianguez,  or  great  mar- 
ket, the  Spaniards  were  astonished  at  the  throng 
of  people  pressing  towards  it,  and  on  entering  the 
place  their  surprise  was  still  further  heightened  by 
the  sight  of  the  multitudes  assembled  there,  and 
the  dimensions  of  the  enclosure,*  thrice  as  large  as 
the  celebrated  square  of  Salamanca.^  Here  were 
met  together  traders  from  all  parts,  with  the  prod- 
ucts and  manufactures  peculiar  to  their  countries; 
the  goldsmiths  of  Azcapozalco,  the  potters  and 
jewellers  of  Cholula,  the  painters  of  Tezcuco,  the 
stone-cutters  of  Tenajocan,  the  hunters  of  Xilo- 
tepec,  the  fishermen  of  Cuitlahuac,  the  fruiterers 

* "  Sono  lunghe  &  large,  lauorate  di  bellisimi,  &  molto  gentili  lauori 
sparsi  per  esse,  co  le  loro  frangie,  6  orletti  ben  lauorati  che  comparis- 
cono  benissimo."  Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii. 
fol.  305. 

*  Ibid.,  fol.  305. 
"  Ibid.,  fol.  309. 

*  [Ante,  p.  288,  note.— M.] 


1519]  MARKET   OF   MEXICO  313 

of  the  warm  countries,  the  mat-  and  chair-makers 
of  Quauhtitlan,  and  the  florists  of  Xochimilco, — 
all  busily  engaged  in  recommending  their  respec- 
tive wares  and  in  chaffering  with  purchasers.^ 

The  market-place  was  surrounded  by  deep  por- 
ticoes, and  the  several  articles  had  each  its  own 
quarter  allotted  to  it.  Here  might  be  seen  cotton 
piled  up  in  bales,  or  manufactured  into  dresses  and 
articles  of  domestic  use,  as  tapestry,  curtains,  cov- 
erlets, and  the  like.  The  richly  stained  and  nice 
fabrics  reminded  Cortes  of  the  alcayceria,  or  silk- 
market,  of  Granada.  There  was  the  quarter  as- 
signed to  the  goldsmiths,  where  the  purchaser 
might  find  various  articles  of  ornament  or  use 
formed  of  the  precious  metals,  or  curious  toys,  such 
as  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  notice,  made  in 
imitation  of  birds  and  fishes,  with  scales  and  feath- 
ers alternately  of  gold  and  silver,  and  with  movable 
heads  and  bodies.  These  fantastic  little  trink- 
ets were  often  garnished  with  precious  stones,  and 
showed  a  patient,  puerile  ingenuity  in  the  manu- 
facture, like  that  of  the  Chinese.^ 

*"Quivi  concorrevano  i  Pentolai  ed  i  Giojellieri  di  Cholulla,  gli 
Orefici  d'  Azcapozalco,  i  Pittori  di  Tezcuco,  gli  Scarpellini  di  Tena jo- 
can,  i  Cacciatori  di  Xilotepec,  i  Pescatori  di  Cuitlahuac,  i  fruttajuoli 
de'  paesi  caldi,  gli  artefici  di  stuoje,  e  di  scranne  di  Quauhtitlan  ed  i 
coltivatori  de'  fiori  di  Xochimilco."  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico, 
torn.  ii.  p.  165. 

'  "  Oro  y  plata,  piedras  de  valor,  con  otros  plumajes  6  argenterias 
maravillosas,  y  con  tanto  primor  fabricadas  que  excede  todo  ingenio 
humano  para  comprenderlas  y  alcanzarlas."  (Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo, 
MS.)  The  licentiate  then  enumerates  several  of  these  elegant  pieces 
of  mechanism.  Cortes  is  not  less  emphatic  in  his  admiration:  "Con- 
trahechas  de  oro,  y  plata,  y  piedras  y  plumas,  tan  al  natural  lo  de 
Oro,  y  Plata,  que  no  ha  Platero  en  el  Mundo  que  mejor  lo  hiciesse,  y 
lo  de  las  Piedras,  que  no  baste  juicio  comprehender  con  que  Instru- 
mentos  se  hiciesse  tan  perfecto,  y  lo  de  Pluma,  que  ni  de  Cera,  ni 


314  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

In  an  adjoining  quarter  were  collected  speci- 
mens of  pottery  coarse  and  fine,  vases  of  wood 
elaborately  carved,  varnished  or  gilt,  of  curious  and 
sometimes  graceful  forms.  There  were  also  hatch- 
ets made  of  copper  alloyed  with  tin,  the  substitute, 
and,  as  it  proved,  not  a  bad  one,  for  iron.  The 
soldier  found  here  all  the  implements  of  his  trade : 
the  casque  fashioned  into  the  head  of  some  wild 
animal,  with  its  grinning  defences  of  teeth,  and 
bristling  crest  dyed  with  the  rich  tint  of  the  cochi- 
neal ;  ^  the  escaupilj,  or  quilted  doublet  of  cotton, 
the  rich  surcoat  of  feather-mail,  and  weapons  of 
all  sorts,  copper-headed  lances  and  arrows,  and 
the  broad  maquahuitl,  the  Mexican  sword,  with 
its  sharp  blades  of  itztli.  Here  were  razors  and 
mirrors  of  this  same  hard  and  polished  mineral, 
which  served  so  many  of  the  purposes  of  steel  with 
the  Aztecs.^  In  the  square  were  also  to  be  found 
booths  occupied  by  barbers,  who  used  these  same 
razors  in  their  vocation.  For  the  Mexicans,  con- 
trary to  the  popular  and  erroneous  notions  respect- 
ing the  aborigines  of  the  New  World,  had  beards, 

en  ningun  broslado  se  podria  hacer  tan  maravillosamente."  (Rel. 
Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  110.)  Peter  Martyr,  a  less  prejudiced  critic 
than  Cortes,  who  saw  and  examined  many  of  these  golden  trinkets 
afterwards  in  Castile,  bears  the  same  testimony  to  the  exquisite 
character  of  the  workmanship,  which,  he  says,  far  surpassed  the 
value  of  the  material.     De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  10. 

'  Herrera  makes  the  unauthorized  assertion,  repeated  by  Solis,  that 
the  Mexicans  were  unacquainted  with  the  vahie  of  the  cochineal  till 
it  was  taught  them  by  the  Spaniards.  (Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  4, 
lib.  8,  cap.  11.)  The  natives,  on  the  contrary,  took  infinite  pains  to 
rear  the  insect  on  plantations  of  the  cactus,  and  it  formed  one  of  the 
staple  tributes  to  the  crown  from  certain  districts.  See  the  tribute- 
rolls,  ap.  Lorenzana,  Nos.  23,  24.— Hernandez,  Hist.  Plantarum,  lib. 
6,  cap.  116. — Also,  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  i.  p.  114,  nota. 

'Ante,  vol,  i.  p.  155. 


15191  MARKET   OF   MEXICO  315 

though  scanty  ones.  Other  shops  or  booths  were 
tenanted  by  apothecaries,  well  provided  with 
drugs,  roots,  and  different  medicinal  preparations. 
In  other  places,  again,  blank  books  or  maps  for  the 
hieroglyphical  picture-writing  were  to  be  seen, 
folded  together  like  fans,  and  made  of  cotton, 
skins,  or  more  commonly  the  fibres  of  the  agave, 
the  Aztec  papyrus. 

Under  some  of  the  porticoes  they  saw  hides  raw 
and  dressed,  and  various  articles  for  domestic  or 
personal  use  made  of  the  leather.  Animals,  both 
wild  and  tame,  were  offered  for  sale,  and  near 
them,  perhaps,  a  gang  of  slaves,  with  collars  round 
their  necks,  intimating  they  were  likewise  on  sale, 
— a  spectacle  unhappily  not  confined  to  the  bar- 
barian markets  of  Mexico,  though  the  evils  of  their 
condition  were  aggravated  there  by  the  conscious- 
ness that  a  life  of  degradation  might  be  consum- 
mated at  any  moment  by  the  dreadful  doom  of 
sacrifice. 

The  heavier  materials  for  building,  as  stone, 
lime,  timber,  were  considered  too  bulky  to  be  al- 
lowed a  place  in  the  square,  and  were  deposited  in 
the  adjacent  streets  on  the  borders  of  the  canals.  It 
would  be  tedious  to  enumerate  all  the  various  arti- 
cles, whether  for  luxury  or  daily  use,  which  were 
collected  from  all  quarters  in  this  vast  bazaar.  I 
must  not  omit  to  mention,  however,  the  display  of 
provisions,  one  of  the  most  attractive  features  of 
the  tianguez;  meats  of  all  kinds,  domestic  poultry, 
game  from  the  neighboring  mountains,  fish  from 
the  lakes  and  streams,  fruits  in  all  the  delicious 
abundance  of  these  temperate  regions,  green  vege- 


316  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

tables,  and  the  unfailing  maize.  There  was  many 
a  viand,  too,  ready  dressed,  which  sent  up  its  sa- 
vory steams  provoking  the  appetite  of  the  idle  pas- 
senger; pastry,  bread  of  the  Indian  corn,  cakes, 
and  confectionery/"  Along  with  these  were  to  be 
seen  cooling  or  stimulating  beverages,  the  spicy 
foaming  chocolatl,  with  its  delicate  aroma  of  va- 
nilla, and  the  inebriating  pulque,  the  fermented 
juice  of  the  aloe.  All  these  commodities,  and  every 
stall  and  portico,  were  set  out,  or  rather  smothered, 
with  flowers,  showing— on  a  much  greater  scale, 
indeed— a  taste  similar  to  that  displayed  in  the 
markets  of  modern  Mexico.  Flowers  seem  to  be 
the  spontaneous  growth  of  this  luxuriant  soil; 
which,  instead  of  noxious  weeds,  as  in  other  re- 
gions, is  ever  ready,  without  the  aid  of  man,  to 
cover  up  its  nakedness  with  this  rich  and  varie- 
gated livery  of  Nature.^  ^ 

I  will  spare  the  reader  the  repetition  of  all  the 
particulars  enumerated  by  the  bewildered  Span- 
iards, which  are  of  some  interest  as  e\'incing  the 
various  mechanical  skill  and  the  polished  wants, 
resembling  those  of  a  refined  community  rather 

'"Zuazo,  who  seems  to  have  been  nice  in  these  matters,  concludes 
a  paragraph  of  dainties  with  the  following  tribute  to  the  Aztec 
cuisine :  "  Vendense  huebos  asados,  crudos,  en  tortilla,  e  diversidad 
de  guisados  que  se  suelen  guisar,  con  otras  cazuelas  j'  pasteles,  que 
en  el  mal  cocinado  de  Medina,  ni  en  otros  lugares  de  Tlamencos 
dicen  que  hai  ni  se  pueden  hallar  tales  trujamanes."     Carta,  MS. 

"  Ample  details — many  more  than  I  have  thought  it  necessary  to 
give— of  the  Aztec  market  of  Tlatelolco  may  be  found  in  the  writings 
of  all  the  old  Spaniards  who  visited  the  capital.  Among  others,  see 
Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  103-105.— Toribio,  Hist,  de 
los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7.— Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS.— Rel. 
d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  309.— Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  92. 


1519]  MARKET   OF   MEXICO  317 

than  of  a  nation  of  savages.  It  was  the  material 
civilization,  which  belongs  neither  to  the  one  nor 
the  other.  The  Aztec  had  plainly  reached  that 
middle  station,  as  far  above  the  rude  races  of  the 
New  World  as  it  was  below  the  cultivated  com- 
munities of  the  Old. 

As  to  the  numbers  assembled  in  the  market,  the 
estimates  differ,  as  usual.  The  Spaniards  often 
visited  the  place,  and  no  one  states  the  amount  at 
less  than  forty  thousand!  Some  carry  it  much 
higher.^  ^  Without  relying  too  much  on  the  arith- 
metic of  the  Conquerors,  it  is  certain  that  on  this 
occasion,  which  occurred  every  fifth  day,  the  city 
swarmed  with  a  motley  crowd  of  strangers,  not 
only  from  the  vicinity,  but  from  many  leagues 
around ;  the  causeways  were  thronged,  and  the  lake 
was  darkened  by  canoes  filled  with  traders  flocking 
to  the  great  tianguez.  It  resembled,  indeed,  the 
periodical  fairs  in  Europe,  not  as  they  exist  now, 
but  as  they  existed  in  the  Middle  Ages,  when,  from 
the  difficulties  of  intercommunication,  they  served 
as  the  great  central  marts  for  commercial  inter- 

"  Zuazo  raises  it  to  80,000 !  (Carta,  MS.)  Cortes  to  60,000.  (Rel. 
Seg.,  ubi  supra.)  The  most  modest  computation  is  that  of  the 
"  Anonymous  Conqueror,"  who  says  from  40,000  to  50,000.  "  Et  11 
giorno  del  mercato,  che  si  fa  di  cinque  in  cinque  giorni,  vi,  sono  da 
quaranta  b  cinquanta  mila  persone"  (Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap. 
Ramusio,  tom.  iii.  fol.  309) ;  a  confirmation,  by  the  by,  of  the  sup- 
position that  the  estimated  population  of  the  capital,  found  in  the 
Italian  version  of  this  author,  is  a  misprint.  (See  the  preceding 
chapter,  note  13.)  He  would  hardly  have  crowded  an  amount  equal 
to  the  whole  of  it  into  the  market.* 

*  [And  yet,  even  now,  the  number  of  "  persone,"  i.e.,  shoppers  or 
transient  visitors,  in  a  Mexican  or  Peruvian  plaza  on  a  great  fair  day, 
not  infrequently  equals  the  number  of  "  habitatori,"  or  permanent 
inhabitants  of  the  city.— M.] 


318  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

course,  exercising  a  most  important  and  salutary- 
influence  on  the  community. 

The  exchanges  were  conducted  partly  by  bar- 
ter, but  more  usually  in  the  currency  of  the  coun- 
try. This  consisted  of  bits  of  tin  stamped  with  a 
character  like  a  T,  bags  of  cacao,  the  value  of 
which  was  regulated  by  their  size,  and,  lastly, 
quills  filled  with  gold  dust.^^  Gold  was  part  of  the 
regular  currency,  it  seems,  in  both  hemispheres. 
In  their  dealings  it  is  singular  that  they  should 
have  had  no  knowledge  of  scales  and  weights. 
The  quantity  was  determined  by  measure  and 
number.^  ^ 

The  most  perfect  order  reigned  throughout  this 
vast  assembly.  Officers  patrolled  the  square,  whose 
business  it  was  to  keep  the  peace,  to  collect  the 
duties  imposed  on  the  different  articles  of  mer- 
chandise, to  see  that  no  false  measures  or  fraud  of 
any  kind  were  used,  and  to  bring  offenders  at  once 
to  justice.  A  court  of  twelve  judges  sat  in  one 
part  of  the  tianguez,  clothed  with  those  ample  and 
summary  powers  which  in  despotic  countries  are 
often  delegated  even  to  petty  tribunals.  The  ex- 
treme severity  with  which  they  exercised  these 
powers,  in  more  than  one  instance,  proves  that  they 
were  not  a  dead  letter.^ ^ 

The  tianguez  of  Mexico  was  naturally  an  object 

"  [From  the  description  of  the  coin,  Ramirez  infers  that  it  was 
not  stamped,  but  cut,  in  the  form  mentioned  in  the  text.  This  is 
confirmed  by  one  or  two  specimens  of  the  kind  still  preserved  in  the 
National  Museum  at  Mexico.  Ramirez,  Notas  y  Esclarecimientos, 
p.  102.] 

"Ante,  vol.  i.  p.  161. 

"Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7.— Rel.  Seg.,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  p.  104.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib,  33,  cap.  10. 
— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  loc.  cit. 


1519]  GREAT  TEMPLE  319 

of  great  interest,  as  well  as  wonder,  to  the  Span- 
iards. For  in  it  they  saw  converged  into  one  focus, 
as  it  were,  all  the  rays  of  civilization  scattered 
throughout  the  land.  Here  they  beheld  the  various 
evidences  of  mechanical  skill,  of  domestic  indus- 
try, the  multiplied  resources,  of  whatever  kind, 
within  the  compass  of  the  natives.  It  could  not 
fail  to  impress  them  with  high  ideas  of  the  mag- 
nitude of  these  resources,  as  well  as  of  the  commer- 
cial activity  and  social  subordination  by  which  the 
whole  community  was  knit  together;  and  their  ad- 
miration is  fully  evinced  by  the  minuteness  and  en- 
ergy of  their  descriptions.^^ 

From  this  bustling  scene  the  Spaniards  took 
their  way  to  the  great  teocalli,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  their  own  quarters.  It  covered,  with  the  sub- 
ordinate edifices,  as  the  reader  has  already  seen, 
the  large  tract  of  ground  now  occupied  by  the 
cathedral,  part  of  the  market-place,  and  some  of 
the  adjoining  streets.^ ^  It  was  the  spot  which  had 
been  consecrated  to  the  same  object,  probably, 
ever  since  the  foundation  of  the  city.  The  present 
building,  however,  was  of  no  great  antiquity,  hav- 
ing been  constructed  by  Ahuitzotl,  who  celebrated 
its  dedication,  in  1486,  by  that  hecatomb  of  victims 
of  which  such  incredible  reports  are  to  be  found  in 
the  chronicles.^ ^ 

" "  There  were  amongst  us,"  says  Diaz,  "  soldiers  who  had  been 
in  many  parts  of  the  world,— in  Constantinople  and  in  Rome  and 
through  all  Italy,— and  who  said  that  a  market-place  so  large,  so 
well  ordered  and  regulated,  and  so  filled  with  people,  they  had  never 
seen."    Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  loc.  cit. 

"  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  ii.  p.  27. 

^*  Ante,  vol.  i.  p.  94. —  [A  minute  account  of  the  site  and  extent  of 
the  ground  covered  by  the  great  temple  is  given  by  Alaman  (Diserta- 
ciones  hist6ricas,  torn.  ii.  pp.  2-16-248),     The  Mexicans  are  largely 


320  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

It  stood  in  the  midst  of  a  vast  area,  encompassed 
by  a  wall  of  stone  and  lime,  about  eight  feet  high, 
ornamented  on  the  outer  side  by  figures  of  ser- 
pents, raised  in  relief,  which  gave  it  the  name  of 
the  coatepantli,  or  "  wall  of  serpents."  This  em- 
blem was  a  common  one  in  the  sacred  sculpture  of 
Anahuac,  as  well  as  of  Egypt.  The  wall,  which 
was  quadrangular,  was  pierced  by  huge  battle- 
mented  gateways,  opening  on  the  four  principal 
streets  of  the  capital.  0\'Ter  each  of  the  gates  was 
a  kind  of  arsenal,  filled  with  arms  and  warlike 
gear ;  and,  if  we  may  credit  the  report  of  the  Con- 
querors, there  were  barracks  adjoining,  garrisoned 
by  ten  thousand  soldiers,  who  served  as  a  sort  of 
military  police  for  the  capital,  supplying  the  em- 
peror with  a  strong  arm  in  case  of  tumult  or  se- 
dition.^ ° 

The  teocalli  itself  was  a  solid  pyramidal  struc- 
ture of  earth  and  pebbles,  coated  on  the  outside 
with  hewn  stones,  probably  of  the  light,  porous 
kind  employed  in  the  buildings  of  the  city."'^  It 
was  probably  square,  wnth  its  sides  facing  the  car- 
dinal points.^^     It  was  divided  into  five  bodies  or 

indebted  to  this  eminent  scholar  for  his  elaborate  researches  into  the 
topography  and  antiquities  of  the  Aztec  capital.] 

"  "  Et  di  piu  v'  hauea  vna  guarnigione  di  dieci  mila  huomini  di 
guerra,  tutti  eletti  per  huomini  valenti,  &  questi  accompagnauano  & 
guardauano  la  sua  persona,  &  quando  si  facea  qualche  rumore  6 
ribellione  nella  citta  6  nel  paese  circumuicino,  andauano  questi,  6 
parte  d'  essi  per  Capitani."  Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio, 
tom.  iii.  fol.  309. 

*"  Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  tom.  ii.  p.  40.— On  paving  the  square, 
not  long  ago,  round  the  modern  cathedral,  there  were  found  large 
blocks  of  sculptured  stone  buried  between  thirty  and  forty  feet  deep 
in  the  ground.     Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

-'  Clavigero  calls  it  oblong,  on  the  alleged  authority  of  the  "  Anony- 
mous Conqueror."     (Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii.  p.  27,  nota.)      But 


1519]  GREAT  TEMPLE  321 

stories,  each  one  receding  so  as  to  be  of  smaller  di- 
mensions than  that  immediately  below  it,— the 
usual  form  of  the  Aztec  teocallis,  as  already  de- 
scribed, and  bearing  obvious  resemblance  to  some 
of  the  primitive  pyramidal  structures  in  the  Old 
World. ^^  The  ascent  was  by  a  flight  of  steps  on 
the  outside,  which  reached  to  the  narrow  terrace  or 
platform  at  the  base  of  the  second  story,  passing 
quite  round  the  building,  when  a  second  stairway 
conducted  to  a  similar  landing  at  the  base  of  the 
third.  The  breadth  of  this  walk  was  just  so  much 
space  as  was  left  by  the  retreating  story  next  above 
it.  From  this  construction  the  visitor  was  obliged 
to  pass  round  the  whole  edifice  four  times  in  order 
to  reach  the  top.  This  had  a  most  imposing  effect 
in  the  religious  ceremonials,  when  the  pompous 
procession  of  priests  with  their  wild  minstrelsy 
came  sweeping  round  the  huge  sides  of  the 
pyramid,  as  they  rose  higher  and  higher,  in 
the  presence  of  gazing  multitudes,  towards  the 
summit. 

The  dimensions  of  the  temple  cannot  be  given 
with  any  certainty.  The  Conquerors  judged  by 
the  eye,  rarely  troubling  themselves  with  anything 
like  an  accurate  measurement.  It  was,  probably, 
not  much  less  than  three  hundred  feet  square  at 

the  latter  says  not  a  word  of  the  shape,  and  his  contemptible 
woodcut  is  too  plainly  destitute  of  all  proportion  to  furnish  an 
inference  of  any  kind.  (Comp.  Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ra- 
musio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  307.)  Torquemada  and  Gomara  both  say  it 
was  square  (Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  8,  cap.  11;— Cr6nica,  cap.  80); 
and  Toribio  de  Benavente,  speaking  generally  of  the  Mexican 
temples,  says  they  had  that  form.  Hist,  de  los  Ind.,  MS.,  Parte  1, 
cap.  12. 

"  See  the  essay  on  the  Origin  of  the  Mexican  Civilization.    Ante. 


322  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

the  base ;  ^^  and,  as  the  Spaniards  counted  a  hun- 
dred and  fourteen  steps,  was,  probably,  less  than 
one  hundred  feet  in  height.^^ 

When  Cortes  arrived  before  the  teocalli,  he 
found  two  priests  and  several  caciques  commis- 
sioned by  Montezuma  to  save  him  the  fatigue  of 
the  ascent  by  bearing  him  on  their  shoulders,  in 
the  same  manner  as  had  been  done  to  the  emperor. 
But  the  general  declined  the  compliment,  prefer- 
ring to  march  up  at  the  head  of  his  men.  On  reach- 
ing the  summit,  they  found  it  a  vast  area,  paved 
with  broad  flat  stones.  The  first  object  that  met 
their  view  was  a  large  block  of  jasper,  the  peculiar 
shape  of  which  showed  it  was  the  stone  on  which 
the  bodies  of  the  unhappy  victims  were  stretched 

**  Clavigero,  calling  it  oblong,  adopts  Torquemada's  estimate — not 
Sahagun's,  as  he  pretends,  which  he  never  saw,  and  who  gives  no 
measurement  of  the  building — for  the  length,  and  Gomara's  estimate, 
which  is  somewhat  less,  for  the  breadth.  (Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  ii. 
p.  28,  nota.)  As  both  his  authorities  make  the  building  square,  this 
spirit  of  accommodation  is  whimsical  enough.  Toribio,  who  did 
measure  a  teocalli  of  the  usual  construction  in  the  town  of  Tena- 
yuca,  found  it  to  be  forty  brazas,  or  two  hundred  and  forty  feet, 
square.  (Hist,  de  los  Ind.,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  1:3.)  The  great  tem- 
ple of  Mexico  was  undoubtedly  larger,  and,  in  the  want  of  better 
authorities,  one  may  accept  Torquemada,  who  makes  it  a  little  more 
than  three  hundred  and  sixty  Toledan,  equal  to  three  hundred  and 
eight  French,  feet  square.  (Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  8,  cap.  11.)  How 
can  M.  de  Humboldt  speak  of  the  "  great  concurrence  of  testimony  " 
in  regard  to  the  dimensions  of  the  temple?  (Essai  politique,  tom. 
ii.  p.  41.)     No  two  authorities  agree. 

"  Bernal  Diaz  says  he  counted  one  hundred  and  fourteen  steps. 
(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  92.)  Toribio  says  that  more  than  one 
person  who  had  numbered  them  told  him  they  exceeded  a  hundred. 
(Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  12.)  The  steps  could  hardly 
have  been  less  than  eight  or  ten  inches  high,  each;  Clavigero  assumes 
that  they  were  a  foot,  and  that  the  building,  therefore,  was  a  hun- 
dred and  fourteen  feet  high,  precisely.  (Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii. 
pp.  28,  29.)  It  is  seldom  safe  to  use  anything  stronger  than  prob- 
ably in  history. 


1519]  GREAT  TEMPLE  323 

for  sacrifice.  Its  convex  surface,  by  raising  the 
breast,  enabled  the  priest  to  perform  his  diabohcal 
task  more  easily,  of  removing  the  heart.  At  the 
other  end  of  the  area  were  two  towers  or  sanc- 
tuaries, consisting  of  three  stories,  the  lower  one 
of  stone  and  stucco,  the  two  upper  of  wood  elabo- 
rately carved.  In  the  lower  division  stood  the  im- 
ages of  their  gods ;  the  apartments  above  were  filled 
with  utensils  for  their  religious  services,  and  with 
the  ashes  of  some  of  their  Aztec  princes,  who  had 
fancied  this  airy  sepulchre.  Before  each  sanc- 
tuary stood  an  altar,  with  that  undying  fire  upon 
it,  the  extinction  of  which  boded  as  much  evil  to 
the  empire  as  that  of  the  Vestal  flame  would  have 
done  in  ancient  Rome.  Here,  also,  was  the  huge 
cylindrical  drum  made  of  serpents'  skins,  and 
struck  only  on  extraordinary  occasions,  when  it 
sent  forth  a  melancholy  sound  that  might  be  heard 
for  miles, — a  sound  of  woe  in  aftertimes  to  the 
Spaniards. 

Montezuma,  attended  by  the  high-priest,  came 
forward  to  receive  Cortes  as  he  mounted  the  area. 
"  You  are  weary,  Malinche,"  said  he  to  him,  "  with 
climbing  up  our  great  temple."  But  Cortes,  with 
a  politic  vaunt,  assured  him  "  the  Spaniards  were 
never  weary  " !  Then,  taking  him  by  the  hand, 
the  emperor  pointed  out  the  localities  of  the  neigh- 
borhood. The  temple  on  which  they  stood,  rising 
high  above  all  other  edifices  in  the  capital,  afforded 
the  most  elevated  as  well  as  central  point  of  view. 
Below  them,  the  city  lay  spread  out  like  a  map, 
with  its  streets  and  canals  intersecting  each  other 
at  right  angles,  its  terraced  roofs  blooming  like  so 


324  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

many  parterres  of  flowers.  Every  place  seemed 
alive  with  business  and  bustle;  canoes  were  glan- 
cing up  and  down  the  canals,  the  streets  were 
crowded  with  people  in  their  gay,  picturesque  cos- 
tume, while  from  the  market-place  they  had  so 
lately  left  a  confused  hum  of  many  sounds  and 
voices  rose  upon  the  air.^^  They  could  distinctly 
trace  the  symmetrical  plan  of  the  city,  with  its 
principal  avenues  issuing,  as  it  were,  from  the  four 
gates  of  the  coatepantli  and  connecting  themselves 
with  the  causeways,  which  formed  the  grand  en- 
trances to  the  capital.  This  regular  and  beautiful 
arrangement  was  imitated  in  many  of  the  inferior 
towns,  where  the  great  roads  converged  towards 
the  chief  teocalli^  or  cathedral,  as  to  a  common 
focus.^^  They  could  discern  the  insular  posi- 
tion of  the  metropolis,  bathed  on  all  sides  by 
the  salt  floods  of  the  Tezcuco,  and  in  the  dis- 
tance the  clear  fresh  waters  of  the  Chalco;  far 
beyond  stretched  a  wide  prospect  of  fields  and 
waving  woods,  with  the  burnished  walls  of  many 
a  lofty  temple  rising  high  above  the  trees 
and  crowning  the  distant  hilltops.^^     The   view 

-^  "  Tornamos  a  ver  la  gran  pla^a,  y  la  multitud  de  gente  que  en 
ella  aula,  vnos  comprado,  y  otros  vendiendo,  que  solamente  el  rumor, 
y  zumbido  de  las  vozes,  y  palabras  que  alii  aula,  sonaua  mas  que  de 
vna  legua!"    Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  92. 

^ "  Y  por  honrar  mas  sus  templos  sacaban  los  caminos  muy  de- 
rechos  por  cordel  de  una  y  de  dos  leguas  que  era  cosa  harto  de  ver, 
desde  lo  Alto  del  principal  templo,  como  venian  de  todos  los  pueblos 
menores  y  barrios;  salian  los  caminos  muy  derechos  y  iban  a  dar  al 
patio  de  los  teocallis."  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  1, 
cap.  12. 

"  "  No  se  contentaba  el  Demonio  con  los  [Teucales]  ya  dichos,  sino 
que  en  cada  pueblo,  en  cada  barrio,  y  d  cuarto  de  legua,  tenian  otros 
patios  pequenos  adonde  habia  tres  6  cuatro  teocallis,  y  en  algunos 


1519]  GREAT  TEMPLE  325 

reached  in  an  unbroken  line  to  the  very  base  of 
the  circular  range  of  mountains,  whose  frosty 
peaks  glittered  as  if  touched  with  fire  in  the 
morning  ray;  while  long,  dark  wreaths  of  vapor, 
rolling  up  from  the  hoary  head  of  Popocatepetl, 
told  that  the  destroying  element  was,  indeed,  at 
work  in  the  bosom  of  the  beautiful  Valley. 

Cortes  was  filled  with  admiration  at  this  grand 
and  glorious  spectacle,  and  gave  utterance  to  his 
feelings  in  animated  language  to  the  emperor,  the 
lord  of  these  flourishing  domains.  His  thoughts, 
however,  soon  took  another  direction;  and,  turn- 
ing to  Father  Olmedo,  who  stood  by  his  side,  he 
suggested  that  the  area  would  afford  a  most  con- 
spicuous position  for  the  Christian  Cross,  if  Mon- 
tezuma would  but  allow  it  to  be  planted  there. 
But  the  discreet  ecclesiastic,  with  the  good  sense 
which  on  these  occasions  seems  to  have  been  so  lam- 
entably deficient  in  his  commander,  reminded  him 
that  such  a  request,  at  present,  would  be  exceed- 
ingly ill  timed,  as  the  Indian  monarch  had  shown 
no  dispositions  as  yet  favorable  to  Christianity.^** 

Cortes  then  requested  IMontezuma  to  allow  him 
to  enter  the  sanctuaries  and  behold  the  shrines  of 
his  gods.  To  this  the  latter,  after  a  short  confer- 
ence with  the  priests,  assented,  and  conducted  the 
Spaniards  into  the  building.     They  found  them- 

mas,  en  otras  partes  solo  uno,  y  en  cada  Mogote  6  Cerrejon  uno  6 
dos,  y  por  los  caminos  y  entre  los  Maizales,  liabia  otros  miichos  pe- 
quenos,  y  todos  estaban  blancos  y  encalados,  que  parecian  y  abulta- 
ban  mucho,  que  en  la  tierra  bien  poblada  parecia  que  todo  estaba 
Ueno  de  casas,  en  especial  de  los  patios  del  Demonio,  que  eran  muy 
de  ver."  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  ubi  supra. 
^  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. 


326  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

selves  in  a  spacious  apartment  incrusted  on  the 
sides  with  stucco,  on  which  various  figures  were 
sculptured,  representing  the  Mexican  calendar, 
perhaps,  or  the  priestly  ritual.  At  one  end  of  the 
saloon  was  a  recess  with  a  roof  of  timber  richly 
carved  and  gilt.  Before  the  altar  in  this  sanctuary 
stood  the  colossal  image  of  Huitzilopochtli,  the 
tutelary  deity  and  war-god  of  the  Aztecs.  His 
countenance  was  distorted  into  hideous  lineaments 
of  symbolical  import.  In  his  right  hand  he  wielded 
a  bow,  and  in  his  left  a  bunch  of  golden  arrows, 
which  a  mystic  legend  had  connected  w4th  the  vic- 
tories of  his  people.  The  huge  folds  of  a  serpent, 
consisting  of  pearls  and  precious  stones,  were 
coiled  round  his  waist,  and  the  same  rich  materials 
were  profusely  sprinkled  over  his  person.  On  his 
left  foot  were  the  delicate  feathers  of  the  hum- 
ming-bird, which,  singularly  enough,  gave  its 
name  to  the  dread  deity. ^'^  The  most  conspicuous 
ornament  was  a  chain  of  gold  and  silver  hearts  al- 
ternate, suspended  round  his  neck,  emblematical 
of  the  sacrifice  in  which  he  most  delighted.  A  more 
unequivocal  evidence  of  this  was  afforded  by  three 
human  hearts  smoking  and  almost  palpitating, 
as  if  recently  torn  from  the  victims,  and  now  lying 
on  the  altar  before  him! 

The  adjoining  sanctuary  was  dedicated  to  a 
milder  deity.  This  was  Tezcatlipoca,  next  in  honor 
to  that  invisible  Being,  the  Supreme  God,  who  was 
represented  by  no  image  and  confined  by  no  tem- 
ple. It  was  Tezcatlipoca  who  created  the  world 
and  watched  over  it  with  a  providential  care.    He 

"Ante,  vol.  i.  p.  70. 


1519]  GREAT   TEMPLE  32T 

was  represented  as  a  young  man,  and  his  image,  of 
polished  black  stone,  was  richly  garnished  with 
gold  plates  and  ornaments,  among  which  a  shield 
burnished  like  a  mirror  was  the  most  characteristic 
emblem,  as  in  it  he  saw  reflected  all  the  doings  of 
the  world.  But  the  homage  to  this  god  was  not 
always  of  a  more  refined  or  merciful  character  than 
that  paid  to  his  carnivorous  brother ;  for  five  bleed- 
ing hearts  were  also  seen  in  a  golden  platter  on  his 
altar. 

The  walls  of  both  these  chapels  were  stained 
with  human  gore.  "  The  stench  was  more  intol- 
erable," exclaims  Diaz,  "  than  that  of  the  slaughter- 
houses in  Castile !  "  And  the  frantic  forms  of  the 
priests,  with  their  dark  robes  clotted  with  blood,  as 
they  flitted  to  and  fro,  seemed  to  the  Spaniards  to 
be  those  of  the  very  ministers  of  Satan  I^*^ 

From  this  foul  abode  they  gladly  escaped  into 
the  open  air ;  when  Cortes,  turning  to  Montezuma, 
said,  with  a  smile,  "  I  do  not  comprehend  how  a 
great  and  wise  prince,  like  you,  can  put  faith  in 
such  evil  spirits  as  these  idols,  the  representatives 
of  the  Devil!  If  you  will  but  permit  us  to  erect 
here  the  true  Cross,  and  place  the  images  of  the 
blessed  Virgin  and  her  Son  in  your  sanctuaries, 
you  will  soon  see  how  your  false  gods  will  shrink 
before  them!  " 

Montezuma  was  greatly  shocked  at  this  sac- 

'" "  Y  tenia  en  las  paredes  tantas  costras  de  sangre,  y  el  suelo  todo 
banado  dello,  que  en  los  mataderos  de  Castilla  no  auia  tanto  hedor." 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra.— Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  105,  106.— Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS.— See,  also, 
for  notices  of  these  deities,  Sahagun,  lib.  3,  cap.  1,  et  seq.— Torque- 
mada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  6,  cap.  20,  21.— Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap.  9. 


328  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

rilegious  address.  "  These  are  the  gods,"  he  an- 
swered, "  who  have  led  the  Aztecs  on  to  victory 
since  they  were  a  nation,  and  who  send  the  seed- 
time and  harvest  in  their  seasons.  Had  I 
thought  you  would  have  offered  them  this  out- 
rage, I  would  not  have  admitted  you  into  their 
presence." 

Cortes,  after  some  expressions  of  concern  at 
having  wounded  the  feelings  of  the  emperor,  took 
his  leave.  Montezuma  remained,  saying  that  he 
must  expiate,  if  possible,  the  crime  of  exposing  the 
shrines  of  the  divinities  to  such  profanation  by  the 
strangers.^  ^ 

On  descending  to  the  court,  the  Spanish  took  a 
leisurely  survey  of  the  other  edifices  in  the  enclo- 
sure. The  area  was  protected  by  a  smooth  stone 
pavement,  so  polished,  indeed,  that  it  was  with 
difficulty  the  horses  could  keep  their  legs.  There 
were  several  other  teocallis,  built  generally  on  the 
model  of  the  great  one,  though  of  much  inferior 
size,  dedicated  to  the  different  Aztec  deities.^  ^  On 
their  summits  were  the  altars  crowned  with  per- 
petual flames,  which,  with  those  on  the  numerous 
temples  in  other  quarters  of  the  capital,  shed  a 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Whoever  examines  Cortes'  great 
letter  to  Charles  V.  will  be  surprised  to  find  it  stated  that,  instead  of 
any  acknowledgment  to  Montezuma,  he  threw  down  his  idols  and 
erected  the  Christian  emblems  in  their  stead.  (Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Loren- 
zana,  p.  106.)  This  was  an  event  of  much  later  date.  The  Conquis- 
tador wrote  his  despatches  too  rapidly  and  concisely  to  give  heed 
always  to  exact  time  and  circumstance.  We  are  quite  as  likely  to 
find  them  attended  to  in  the  long-winded,  gossiping, — inestimable 
chronicle  of  Diaz. 

'- "  Quarenta  torres  muy  altas  y  bien  obradas."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cor- 
tes, ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  105. 


1519]  INTERIOR   SANCTUARIES  329 

brilliant  illumination  over  its  streets  through  the 
long  nights.^^ 

Among  the  teocallis  in  the  enclosure  was  one 
consecrated  to  Quetzalcoatl,  circular  in  its  form, 
and  having  an  entrance  in  imitation  of  a  dragon's 
mouth,  bristling  with  sharp  fangs  and  dropping 
with  blood.  As  the  Spaniards  cast  a  furtive 
glance  into  the  throat  of  this  horrible  monster, 
they  saw  collected  there  implements  of  sacri- 
fice and  other  abominations  of  fearful  import. 
Their  bold  hearts  shuddered  at  the  spectacle, 
and  they  designated  the  place  not  inaptly  as  the 
"  Hell." '' 

One  other  structure  may  be  noticed  as  charac- 
teristic of  the  brutish  nature  of  their  religion.  This 
was  a  pyramidal  mound  or  tumulus,  having  a  com- 
plicated frame-work  of  timber  on  its  broad  sum- 
mit. On  this  was  strung  an  immense  number  of 
human  skulls,  which  belonged  to  the  victims, 
mostly  prisoners  of  war,  who  had  perished  on  the 
accursed  stone  of  sacrifice.  Two  of  the  soldiers  had 
the  patience  to  count  the  number  of  these  ghastly 
trophies,  and  reported  it  to  be  one  hundred  and 
thirty-six  thousand!  ^^    Belief  might  well  be  stag- 

^' "  Delante  de  todos  estos  altares  habia  bra^eros  que  toda  la  noche 
hardian,  y  en  las  salas  tambien  tenian  sus  fuegos."  Toribio,  Hist,  de 
los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  12. 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Toribio,  also,  notices  this  temple 
with  the  same  complimentary  epithet.  "  La  boca  hecha  como  de  in- 
fierno  j''  en  ella  pintada  la  boca  de  una  temerosa  Sierpe  con  terribles 
colmillos  y  dientes,  y  en  algunas  de  estas  los  colmillos  eran  de  bulto, 
que  verlo  y  entrar  dentro  ponia  gran  temor  y  grima,  en  especial  el 
infierno  que  estaba  en  M«5xico,  que  parecia  traslado  del  verdadero 
infierno."     Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  I,  cap.  i. 

^^  Bernal  Diaz,  ubi  supra.— "  Andres  de  Tapia,  que  me  lo  dijo, 
i  Gongalo  de  Umbria,  las  contaron  vn  Dia,  i  halldron  ciento  i  treinta 


330  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

gered,  did  not  the  Old  World  present  a  worthy 
counterpart  in  the  pyramidal  Golgothas  which 
commemorated  the  triumphs  of  Tamerlane."*^ 

There  were  long  ranges  of  buildings  in  the  en- 
closure, appropriated  as  the  residence  of  the  priests 
and  others  engaged  in  the  offices  of  religion.  The 
whole  number  of  them  was  said  to  amount  to  sev- 
eral thousand.  Here  were,  also,  the  principal  semi- 
naries for  the  instruction  of  youth  of  both  sexes, 
drawn  chiefly  from  the  higher  and  wealthier 
classes.  The  girls  were  taught  by  elderly  women 
who  officiated  as  priestesses  in  the  temples,  a  cus- 
tom familiar,  also,  to  Egypt.  The  Spaniards  ad- 
mit that  the  greatest  care  for  morals,  and  the  most 
blameless  deportment,  were  maintained  in  these 
institutions.  The  time  of  the  pupils  was  chiefly 
occupied,  as  in  most  monastic  establishments,  with 
the  minute  and  burdensome  ceremonial  of  their  re- 

i  seis  mil  Calaberas,  en  las  Vigas,  i  Gradas."  Gomara,  Cronica, 
cap.  82.* 

^^  Three  collections,  thus  fancifully  disposed,  of  these  grinning 
horrors — in  all  230,000— are  noticed  by  Gibbon!  (Decline  and  Fall, 
ed.  Milman,  vol.  i.  p.  52;  vol.  xii.  p.  45.)  A  European  scholar  com- 
mends "the  conqueror's  piety,  his  moderation,  and  his  justice"! 
Rowe's  Dedication  of  "  Tamerlane." 

*  [Gomara  is  so  often  accused  of  exaggeration  and  falsehood  that 
it  is  satisfactory  to  find  his  exactness,  in  the  present  instance,  estab- 
lished by  the  evidence  of  Tapia  himself,  who  thus  describes  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  estimate  was  made:  "E  quien  esto  escribe,  y  un 
Gonzalo  de  Umbrea,  contaron  los  palos  que  habie,  e  multiplicando 
d  cinco  cabezas  cada  palo  de  los  que  entre  viga  y  viga  estaban,  .  .  . 
hallamos  haber  ciento  treinta  y  seis  mill  cabezas,  sin  las  de  las  torres." 
(Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.  para  la  Hist,  de  Mexico,  tom.  iii.)  The 
original  of  this  "  Relacion,"  recently  discovered,  is  in  the  library  of 
the  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid.  It  is  an  unfinished  narrative, 
valuable  as  the  production  of  one  of  the  chief  companions  of  Cortes, 
and  for  the  confirmation  it  affords  of  other  contemporaneous  ac- 
counts of  the  Conquest.  — K.] 


1519]  SPANISH  QUARTERS  331 

ligion.  The  boys  were  likewise  taught  such  ele- 
ments of  science  as  were  known  to  their  teachers, 
and  the  girls  initiated  in  the  mysteries  of  embroid- 
ery and  weaving,  which  they  employed  in  decorat- 
ing the  temples.  At  a  suitable  age  they  generally 
went  forth  into  the  world  to  assume  the  occupa- 
tions fitted  to  their  condition,  though  some  re- 
mained permanently  devoted  to  the  services  of 
religion.^^ 

The  spot  was  also  covered  by  edifices  of  a  still 
different  character.  There  were  granaries  filled 
with  the  rich  produce  of  the  church-lands  and  with 
the  first-fruits  and  other  offerings  of  the  faithful. 
One  large  mansion  was  reserved  for  strangers  of 
eminence  who  were  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  great 
teocalli.  The  enclosure  was  ornamented  with  gar- 
dens, shaded  by  ancient  trees  and  watered  by  foun- 
tains and  reservoirs  from  the  copious  streams  of 
Chapoltepec.  The  little  community  was  thus  pro- 
vided with  almost  everything  requisite  for  its  own 
maintenance  and  the  services  of  the  temple.^^ 

It  was  a  microcosm  of  itself,  a  city  within  a  city, 
and,  according  to  the  assertion  of  Cortes,  embraced 
a  tract  of  ground  large  enough  for  five  hundred 
houses.^^     It  presented  in  their  brief  compass  the 

"Ante,  vol.  i.  pp.  83,  84. — The  desire  of  presenting  the  reader  with 
a  complete  view  of  the  actual  state  of  the  capital  at  the  time  of  its 
occupation  by  the  Spaniards  has  led  me  in  this  and  the  preceding 
chapter  into  a  few  repetitions  of  remarks  on  the  Aztec  institutions  in 
the  Introductory  Book  of  this  History. 

»'  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  12.— Gomara, 
Crdnica,  cap.  80. — Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol. 
309. 

" "  Es  tan  grande  que  dentro  del  circuito  de  ella,  que  es  todo 
cercado  de  Muro  muy  alto,  se  podia  muy  bien  facer  una  Villa  de 
quinientos  Vecinos."    Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  105. 


332  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

extremes  of  barbarism,  blended  with  a  certain  civ- 
ilization, altogether  characteristic  of  the  Aztecs. 
The  rude  Conquerors  saw  only  the  evidence  of  the 
former.  In  the  fantastic  and  symbolical  features 
of  the  deities  they  beheld  the  literal  lineaments  of 
Satan;  in  the  rites  and  frivolous  ceremonial,  his 
own  especial  code  of  damnation ;  and  in  the  modest 
deportment  and  careful  nurture  of  the  inmates  of 
the  seminaries,  the  snares  by  which  he  was  to  be- 
guile his  deluded  victims !  ^^  Before  a  century  had 
elapsed,  the  descendants  of  these  same  Spaniards 
discerned  in  the  mysteries  of  the  Aztec  religion  the 
features,  obscured  and  defaced,  indeed,  of  the  Jew- 
ish and  Christian  revelations!^^  Such  were  the 
opposite  conclusions  of  the  unlettered  soldier  and 
of  the  scholar.  A  philosopher,  untouched  by  su- 
perstition, might  well  doubt  which  of  the  two  was 
the  more  extraordinary. 

The  sight  of  the  Indian  abomination  seems  to 
have  kindled  in  the  Spaniards  a  livelier  feeling  for 
their  own  religion ;  since  on  the  following  day  they 
asked  leave  of  Montezuma  to  convert  one  of  the 
halls  in  their  residence  into  a  chapel,  that  they 
might  celebrate  the  services  of  the  Church  there. 
The  monarch,  in  whose  bosom  the  feelings  of  re- 
sentment seem  to  have  soon  subsided,  easily 
granted  their  request,  and  sent  some  of  his  own 
artisans  to  aid  them  in  the  work. 

While  it  was  in  progress,  some  of  the  Spaniards 

*"  "  Todas  estas  mugeres,"  says  Father  Toribio,  "  estaban  aqui  sir- 
viendo  al  demonio  por  sus  propios  intereses;  las  iinas  porque  el  De- 
monio  las  hiciese  modestas,"  etc.  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte 
1,  cap.  9. 

"  See  essay  on  the  Origin  of  the  Mexican  Civilization.    Ante. 


1519]  SPANISH  QUARTERS  333 

observed  what  appeared  to  be  a  door  recently  plas- 
tered over.  It  was  a  common  rumor  that  Monte- 
zuma still  kept  the  treasures  of  his  father,  King 
'Axayacatl,  in  this  ancient  palace.  The  Spaniards, 
acquainted  with  this  fact,  felt  no  scruple  in  grati- 
fying their  curiosity  by  removing  the  plaster.  As 
was  anticipated,  it  concealed  a  door.  On  forcing 
this,  they  found  the  rumor  was  no  exaggeration. 
They  beheld  a  large  hall  filled  with  rich  and  beau- 
tiful stuiFs,  articles  of  curious  workmanship  of 
various  kinds,  gold  and  silver  in  bars  and  in  the  ore, 
and  many  jewels  of  value.  It  was  the  private 
hoard  of  Montezuma,  the  contributions,  it  may  be, 
of  tributary  cities,  and  once  the  property  of  his 
father.  "  I  was  a  young  man,"  says  Diaz,  who  was 
one  of  those  that  obtained  a  sight  of  it,  "  and  it 
seemed  to  me  as  if  all  the  riches  of  the  world  were 
in  that  room !  "  ^^  The  Spaniards,  notwithstand- 
ing their  elation  at  the  discovery  of  this  precious 
deposit,  seem  to  have  felt  some  commendable  scru- 
ples as  to  appropriating  it  to  their  own  use, — at 
least  for  the  present.  And  Cortes,  after  closing  up 
the  wall  as  it  was  before,  gave  strict  injunctions 
that  nothing  should  be  said  of  the  matter,  unwill- 
ing that  the  knowledge  of  its  existence  by  his 
guests  should  reach  the  ears  of  Montezuma. 

Three  days  sufficed  to  complete  the  chapel ;  and 
the  Christians  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  themselves 
in  possession  of  a  temple  where  they  might  wor- 

"  "  y  luego  lo  supfmos  entre  todos  los  deraas  Capitanes,  j  solda- 
dos,  y  lo  entrdmos  d  ver  muy  secretamente,  y  como  yo  lo  vi,  digo 
que  me  admir^,  e  como  en  aquel  tiempo  era  mancebo,  y  no  auia  visto 
en  mi  vida  riquezas  como  aquellas,  tuue  por  cierto,  que  en  el  mundo 
no  deuiera  auer  otras  tantas ! "     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  93. 


334  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

ship  God  in  their  own  way,  under  the  protection 
of  the  Cross  and  the  blessed  Virgin.  Mass  was 
regularly  performed  by  the  fathers  Olmedo  and 
Diaz,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled  army,  who 
were  most  earnest  and  exemplary  in  their  devo- 
tions, partly,  says  the  chronicler  above  quoted, 
from  the  propriety  of  the  thing,  and  partly  for  its 
edifying  influence  on  the  benighted  heathen.^^ 

« Ibid,,  loc.  cit. 


CHAPTER  III 

ANXIETY  OF  CORTES— SEIZURE  OF  MONTEZUMA — 
HIS  TREATMENT  BY  THE  SPANIARDS— EXECUTION 
OF  HIS  OFFICERS— MONTEZUMA  IN  IRONS— RE- 
FLECTIONS 

1519 

THE  Spaniards  had  been  now  a  week  in  Mex- 
ico. During  this  time  they  had  experienced 
the  most  friendly  treatment  from  the  emperor. 
But  the  mind  of  Cortes  was  far  from  easy.  He 
felt  that  it  was  quite  uncertain  how  long  this  ami- 
able temper  would  last.  A  hundred  circumstances 
might  occur  to  change  it.  Montezuma  might  very 
naturally  feel  the  maintenance  of  so  large  a  body 
too  burdensome  on  his  treasury.  The  people  of 
the  capital  might  become  dissatisfied  at  the  pres- 
ence of  so  numerous  an  armed  force  within  their 
walls.  Many  causes  of  disgust  might  arise  betwixt 
the  soldiers  and  the  citizens.  Indeed,  it  was 
scarcely  possible  that  a  rude,  licentious  soldiery, 
like  the  Spaniards,  could  be  long  kept  in  subjection 
without  active  employment.^  The  danger  was 
even  greater  with  the  Tlascalans,  a  fierce  race  now 
brought  into  daily  contact  with  the  nation  who  held 

^  "  We  Spaniards,"  says  Cortes,  frankly,  "  are  apt  to  be  somewhat 
unmanageable  and  troublesome."    Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  84. 

335 


S36  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

them  in  loathing  and  detestation.  Rumors  were 
already  rife  among  the  allies,  whether  well  founded 
or  not,  of  murmurs  among  the  Mexicans,  accom- 
panied by  menaces  of  raising  the  bridges.^ 

Even  should  the  Spaniards  be  allowed  to  occupy 
their  present  quarters  unmolested,  it  was  not  ad- 
vancing the  great  object  of  the  expedition.  Cortes 
was  not  a  whit  nearer  gaining  the  capital,  so  essen- 
tial to  his  meditated  subjugation  of  the  country; 
and  any  day  he  might  receive  tidings  that  the 
crown,  or,  what  he  most  feared,  the  governor  of 
Cuba,  had  sent  a  force  of  superior  strength  to  wrest 
from  him  a  conquest  but  half  achieved.  Disturbed 
by  these  anxious  reflections,  he  resolved  to  extri- 
cate himself  from  his  embarrassment  by  one  bold 
stroke.  But  he  first  submitted  the  affair  to  a  coun- 
cil of  the  officers  in  whom  he  most  confided,  de- 
sirous to  divide  with  them  the  responsibility  of  the 
act,  and,  no  doubt,  to  interest  them  more  heartily 
in  its  execution  by  making  it  in  some  measure  the 
result  of  their  combined  judgments. 

When  the  general  had  briefly  stated  the  em- 
barrassments of  their  position,  the  council  was  di- 
vided in  opinion.  All  admitted  the  necessity  of 
some  instant  action.    One  party  were  for  retiring 

'  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  83. — There  is  reason  to  doubt  the  truth 
of  these  stories.  "  Segun  una  carta  original  que  tengo  en  mi  poder 
firmada  de  las  tres  cabezas  de  la  Nueva-Espana  en  donde  escriben  a 
la  Magestad  del  Emperador  Nuestro  Senor  (que  Dios  tenga  en  su 
Santo  Reyno)  disculpan  en  ella  d  Motecuhzoma  y  d  los  Mexicanos  de 
esto,  y  de  lo  demas  que  se  les  argullo,  que  lo  cierto  era  que  fue 
invencion  de  los  Tlascaltecas,  y  de  algunos  de  los  Espanoles  que 
veian  la  hora  de  salirse  de  miedo  de  la  Ciudad,  y  poner  en  cobro 
innumerables  riquezas  que  habian  venido  a  sus  manos."  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  85. 


1519]  ANXIETY  OF  CORTES  337 

secretly  from  the  city,  and  getting  beyond  the 
causeways  before  their  march  could  be  intercepted. 
Another  advised  that  it  should  be  done  openly, 
with  the  knowledge  of  the  emperor,  of  whose  good 
will  they  had  had  so  many  proofs.  But  both  these 
measures  seemed  alike  impolitic.  A  retreat  under 
these  circumstances,  and  so  abruptly  made,  would 
have  the  air  of  a  flight.  It  would  be  construed  into 
distrust  of  themselves;  and  anything  like  timidity 
on  their  part  would  be  sure  not  only  to  bring  on 
them  the  Mexicans,  but  the  contempt  of  their  allies, 
who  would,  doubtless,  join  in  the  general  cry. 

As  to  jNIontezuma,  what  reliance  could  they 
place  on  the  protection  of  a  prince  so  recently  their 
enemy,  and  who,  in  his  altered  bearing,  must  have 
taken  counsel  of  his  fears'  rather  than  his  inclina- 
tions? 

Even  should  they  succeed  in  reaching  the  coast, 
their  situation  would  be  little  better.  It  would  be 
proclaiming  to  the  world  that,  after  all  their  lofty 
vaunts,  they  were  unequal  to  the  enterprise.  Their 
only  hopes  of  their  sovereign's  favor,  and  of  par- 
don for  their  irregular  proceedings,  were  founded 
on  success.  Hitherto,  they  had  only  made  the  dis- 
covery of  jMexico ;  to  retreat  would  be  to  leave  con- 
quest and  the  fruits  of  it  to  another.  In  short,  to 
stay  and  to  retreat  seemed  equally  disastrous. 

In  his  perplexity,  Cortes  proposed  an  expedient 
which  none  but  the  most  daring  spirit,  in  the  most 
desperate  extremity,  would  have  conceived.  This 
was  to  march  to  the  royal  palace  and  bring  Mon- 
tezuma to  the  Spanish  quarters,  by  fair  means  if 
they  could  persuade  him,  by  force  if  necessary, — 


338  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

at  all  events,  to  get  possession  of  his  person.*  With 
such  a  pledge,  the  Spaniards  would  be  secure  from 
the  assault  of  the  Mexicans,  afraid  by  acts  of  vio- 
lence to  compromise  the  safety  of  their  prince.  If 
he  came  by  his  own  consent,  they  would  be  de- 
prived of  all  apology  for  doing  so.  As  long  as 
the  emperor  remained  among  the  Spaniards,  it 
would  be  easy,  by  allowing  him  a  show  of  sover- 
eignty, to  rule  in  his  name,  until  they  had  taken 
measures  for  securing  their  safety  and  the  success 
of  their  enterprise.  The  idea  of  employing  a  sov- 
ereign as  a  tool  for  the  government  of  his  own 
kingdom,  if  a  new  one  in  the  age  of  Cortes,  is  cer- 
tainly not  so  in  ours.^ 

A  plausible  pretext  for  the  seizure  of  the  hos- 

'  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  84. — IxtlilxochitI,  Hist. 
Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  85. — P.  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  3. — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  6. — Bernal  Diaz  gives  a 
very  different  report  of  this  matter.  According  to  him,  a  number 
of  oflBcers  and  soldiers,  of  whom  he  was  one,  suggested  the  capture 
of  Montezuma  to  the  general,  who  came  into  the  plan  with  hesitation. 
(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  93.)  This  is  contrary  to  the  character  of 
Cortes,  who  was  a  man  to  lead,  and  not  to  be  led,  on  such  occasions. 
It  is  contrary  to  the  general  report  of  historians,  though  these,  it 
must  be  confessed,  are  mainly  built  on  the  general's  narrative.  It 
is  contrary  to  anterior  probability;  since,  if  the  conception  seems 
almost  too  desperate  to  have  seriously  entered  into  the  head  of  any 
one  man,  how  much  more  improbable  is  it  that  it  should  have  origi- 
nated with  a  number !  Lastly,  it  is  contrary  to  the  positive  written 
statement  of  Cortes  to  the  emperor,  publicly  known  and  circulated, 
confirmed  in  print  by  his  chaplain,  Gomara,  and  all  this  when  the 
thing  was  fresh  and  when  the  parties  interested  were  alive  to  con- 
tradict it.  We  cannot  but  think  that  the  captain  here,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  burning  of  the  ships,  assumes  rather  more  for  himself  and  his 
comrades  than  the  facts  will  strictly  warrant ;  an  oversight  for  which 
the  lapse  of  half  a  century — to  say  nothing  of  his  avowed  anxiety 
to  show  up  the  claims  of  the  latter — may  furnish  some  apology. 

*  ["  An  unparalleled  transaction.  There  is  nothing  like  it,  I  believe, 
in  the  annals  of  the  world."     Helps'  Spanish  Conquest,  ii.  351.— M.] 


1519]  SEIZURE  OF  MONTEZUMA  339 

pitable  monarch — for  the  most  barefaced  action 
seeks  to  veil  itself  under  some  show  of  decency — 
was  afforded  by  a  circumstance  of  which  Cortes 
had  received  intelligence  at  Cholula.*  He  had  left, 
as  we  have  seen,  a  faithful  officer,  Juan  de  Esca- 
lante,  with  a  hundred  and  fifty  men,  in  garrison  at 
Vera  Cruz,  on  his  departure  for  the  capital.  He 
had  not  been  long  absent  when  his  lieutenant  re- 
ceived a  message  from  an  Aztec  chief  named 
Quaulipopoca,  governor  of  a  district  to  the  north 
of  the  Spanish  settlement,  declaring  his  desire  to 
come  in  person  and  tender  his  allegiance  to  the 
Spanish  authorities  at  Vera  Cruz.  He  requested 
that  four  of  the  white  men  might  be  sent  to  protect 
him  against  certain  unfriendly  tribes  through 
which  his  road  lay.  This  was  not  an  uncommon 
request,  and  excited  no  suspicion  in  Escalante. 
The  four  soldiers  were  sent;  and  on  their  arrival 
two  of  them  were  murdered  by  the  false  Aztec. 
The  other  two  made  their  way  back  to  the  garri- 
son.^ 

The  commander  marched  at  once,  with  fifty  of 
his  men,  and  several  thousand  Indian  allies,  to  take 
vengeance  on  the  cacique.  A  pitched  battle  fol- 
lowed.   The  allies  fled  from  the  redoubted  Mexi- 

*  Even  Gomara  has  the  candor  to  style  it  a  "  pretext,"— ac^ague. 
Cr6nica,  cap.  83. 

'  Bernal  Diaz  states  the  affair,  also,  differently.  According  to  him, 
the  Aztec  governor  was  enforcing  the  pajTnent  of  the  customary 
tribute  from  the  Totonacs,  when  Escalante,  interfering  to  protect  his 
allies,  now  subjects  of  Spain,  was  slain  in  an  action  with  the  enemy. 
(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  93.)  Cortes  had  the  best  means  of  know- 
ing the  facts,  and  wrote  at  the  time.  He  does  not  usually  shrink 
from  avowing  his  policy,  however  severe,  towards  the  natives;  and  I 
have  thought  it  fair  to  give  him  the  benefit  of  his  own  version  of  the 
story. 


340  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

cans.  The  few  Spaniards  stood  firm,  and  with  the 
aid  of  their  fire-arms  and  the  blessed  Virgin,  who 
was  distinctly  seen  hovering  over  their  ranks  in  the 
van,  they  made  good  the  field  against  the  enemy. 
It  cost  them  dear,  however;  since  seven  or  eight 
Christians  were  slain,  and  among  them  the  gallant 
Escalante  himself,  who  died  of  his  injuries  soon 
after  his  return  to  the  fort.  The  Indian  prisoners 
captured  in  the  battle  spoke  of  the  whole  proceed- 
ing as  having  taken  place  at  the  instigation  of 
Montezuma.® 

One  of  the  Spaniards  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
natives,  but  soon  after  perished  of  his  wounds. 
His  head  was  cut  oiF  and  sent  to  the  Aztec  em- 
peror. It  was  uncommonly  large  and  covered  with 
hair;  and,  as  Montezuma  gazed  on  the  ferocious 
features,  rendered  more  horrible  by  death,  he 
seemed  to  read  in  them  the  dark  lineaments  of  the 
destined  destroyers  of  his  house.  He  turned  from 
it  with  a  shudder,  and  commanded  that  it  should 
be  taken  from  the  city,  and  not  offered  at  the  shrine 
of  any  of  his  gods. 

Although  Cortes  had  received  intelligence  of 
this  disaster  at  Cholula,  he  had  concealed  it  within 
his  own  breast,  or  communicated  it  to  very  few 
only  of  his  most  trusty  officers,  from  apprehension 

•Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  5,— Rel.  Seg.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  83,  84.  The  apparition  of  the  Virgin  was 
seen  only  by  the  Aztecs,  who,  it  is  true,  had  to  make  out  the  best  case 
for  their  defeat  they  could  to  Montezuma;  a  suspicious  circum- 
stance, which,  however,  did  not  stagger  the  Spaniards.  "  Assuredly 
all  of  us  soldiers  who  accompanied  Cortes  held  the  belief  that 
the  divine  mercy  and  Our  Lady  the  Virgin  Mary  were  always  with 
us,  and  this  was  the  truth."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  94. 


1519]  SEIZURE   OF   MONTEZUMA  341 

of  the  ill  effect  it  might  have  on  the  spirits  of  the 
common  soldiers. 

The  cavaliers  whom  Cortes  now  summoned  to 
the  council  were  men  of  the  same  mettle  with  their 
leader.  Their  bold,  chivalrous  spirits  seemed  to 
court  danger  for  its  own  sake.  If  one  or  two,  less 
adventurous,  were  startled  by  the  proposal  he 
made,  they  were  soon  overruled  by  the  others,  who, 
no  doubt,  considered  that  a  desperate  disease  re- 
quired as  desperate  a  remedy. 

That  night  Cortes  was  heard  pacing  his  apart- 
ment to  and  fro,  like  a  man  oppressed  by  thought 
or  agitated  by  strong  emotion.  He  may  have  been 
ripening  in  his  mind  the  daring  scheme  for  the 
morrow.'^  In  the  morning  the  soldiers  heard  mass 
as  usual,  and  Father  Olmedo  invoked  the  blessing 
of  Heaven  on  their  hazardous  enterprise.  What- 
ever might  be  the  cause  in  which  he  was  embarked, 
the  heart  of  the  Spaniard  was  cheered  with  the 
conviction  that  the  saints  were  on  his  side !  ^ 

Having  asked  an  audience  from  jNIontezuma, 
which  was  readily  granted,  the  general  made  the 
necessary  arrangements  for  his  enterprise.  The 
principal  part  of  his  force  was  drawn  up  in  the 
court -yard,  and  he  stationed  a  considerable  detach- 
ment in  the  avenues  leading  to  the  palace,  to  check 
any  attempt  at  rescue  by  the  populace.  He  or- 
dered twenty-five  or  thirty  of  the  soldiers  to  drop 

'  "  Paseose  vn  gran  rato  solo,  i  cuidadoso  de  aquel  gran  hecho,  que 
emprendia,  i  que  aun  d  ^1  mesmo  le  parecia  temerario,  pero  necesario 
para  su  intento,  andando."    Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  83. 

*  Diaz  says,  "  All  that  night  we  spent  in  prajer,  beseeching  the 
Father  of  Mercies  that  he  would  so  direct  the  matter  that  it  should 
contribute  to  his  holy  service."    Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  95. 


342  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

in  at  the  palace,  as  if  by  accident,  in  groups  of 
three  or  four  at  a  time,  while  the  conference  was 
going  on  with  Montezuma.  He  selected  five  cava- 
liers, in  whose  courage  and  coolness  he  placed  most 
trust,  to  bear  him  company;  Pedro  de  Alvarado, 
Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  Francisco  de  Lujo,  Velas- 
quez de  Leon,  and  Alonso  de  Avila, — brilliant 
names  in  the  annals  of  the  Conquest.  All  were 
clad,  as  well  as  the  common  soldiers,  in  complete 
armor,  a  circumstance  of  too  familiar  occurrence 
to  excite  suspicion. 

The  little  party  were  graciously  received  by  the 
emperor,  who  soon,  with  the  aid  of  the  interpreters, 
became  interested  in  a  sportive  conversation  with 
the  Spaniards,  while  he  indulged  his  natural  mu- 
nificence by  giving  them  presents  of  gold  and  jew- 
els. He  paid  the  Spanish  general  the  particular 
compliment  of  offering  him  one  of  his  daughters 
as  his  wife ;  an  honor  which  the  latter  respectfully 
declined,  on  the  ground  that  he  was  already  accom- 
modated with  one  in  Cuba,  and  that  his  religion 
forbade  a  plurality. 

When  Cortes  perceived  that  a  sufficient  number 
of  his  soldiers  were  assembled,  he  changed  his  play- 
ful manner,  and  in  a  serious  tone  briefly  acquainted 
Montezuma  with  the  treacherous  proceedings  in 
the  tierra  caliente,  and  the  accusation  of  him  as 
their  author.  The  emperor  listened  to  the  charge 
with  surprise,  and  disavowed  the  act,  which  he  said 
could  only  have  been  imputed  to  him  by  his  ene- 
mies. Cortes  expressed  his  belief  in  his  declara- 
tion, but  added  that,  to  prove  it  true,  it  would  be 
necessary  to  send  for  Quaulipopoca  and  his  accom- 


1519]  SEIZURE   OF   MONTEZUMA  343 

plices,  that  they  might  be  examined  and  dealt  with 
according  to  their  deserts.  To  this  Montezuma 
made  no  objection.  Taking  from  his  wrist,  to 
which  it  was  attached,  a  precious  stone,  the  royal 
signet,  on  which  was  cut  the  figure  of  the  War- 
god,''  he  gave  it  to  one  of  his  nobles,  with  orders  to 
show  it  to  the  Aztec  governor,  and  require  his  in- 
stant presence  in  the  capital,  together  with  all  those 
who  had  been  accessory  to  the  murder  of  the  Span- 
iards. If  he  resisted,  the  officer  was  empowered 
to  call  in  the  aid  of  the  neighboring  towns  to  en- 
force the  mandate. 

When  the  messenger  had  gone,  Cortes  assured 
the  monarch  that  this  prompt  compliance  with  his 
request  convinced  him  of  his  innocence.  But  it 
was  important  that  his  own  sovereign  should  be 
equally  convinced  of  it.  Xothing  would  promote 
this  so  much  as  for  Montezuma  to  transfer  his  resi- 
dence to  the  palace  occupied  by  the  Spaniards,  till 
on  the  arrival  of  Quauhpopoca  the  affair  could  be 
fully  investigated.  Such  an  act  of  condescension 
would,  of  itself,  show  a  personal  regard  for  the 
Spaniards,  incompatible  with  the  base  conduct  al- 
leged against  him,  and  would  fully  absolve  him 
from  all  suspicion!  ^^ 

Montezuma  listened  to  this  proposal,  and  the 
flimsy  reasoning  with  which  it  was  covered,  with 
looks  of  profound  amazement.  He  became  pale 
as  death;  but  in  a  moment  his  face  flushed  with 


"  According  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  it  was  his  own  portrait.  "  Se  quitd 
del  brazo  una  rica  piedra,  donde  esta  esculpido  su  rostro  (que  era  lo 
mismo  que  un  sello  Real)."     Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  85, 

"  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  86. 


344.  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

resentment,  as,  with  the  pride  of  offended  dignity, 
he  exclaimed,  "  When  was  it  ever  heard  that  a 
great  prince,  hke  myself,  voluntarily  left  his  own 
palace  to  become  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of 
strangers !  " 

Cortes  assured  him  he  would  not  go  as  a  pris- 
oner. He  would  experience  nothing  but  respect- 
ful treatment  from  the  Spaniards,  would  be  sur- 
rounded by  his  own  household,  and  hold  intercourse 
with  his  people  as  usual.  In  short,  it  would  be 
but  a  change  of  residence,  from  one  of  his  palaces 
to  another,  a  circumstance  of  frequent  occurrence 
with  him.  It  was  in  vain.  "  If  I  should  consent 
to  such  a  degradation,"  he  answered,  "  my  sub- 
jects never  would."  ^^  When  further  pressed,  he 
offered  to  give  up  one  of  his  sons  and  two  of  his 
daughters  to  remain  as  hostages  with  the  Span- 
iards, so  that  he  might  be  spared  this  disgrace. 

Two  hours  passed  in  this  fruitless  discussion,  till 
a  high-mettled  cavalier,  Velasquez  de  Leon,  impa- 
tient of  the  long  delay,  and  seeing  that  the  attempt, 
if  not  the  deed,  must  ruin  them,  cried  out,  "  Why 
do  we  waste  words  on  this  barbarian?  We  have 
gone  too  far  to  recede  now.  Let  us  seize  him,  and, 
if  he  resists,  plunge  our  swords  into  his  body !  "  ^  - 
The  fierce  tone  and  menacing  gestures  with  which 
this  was  uttered  alarmed  the  monarch,  who  inquired 

"  "  Quando  lo  lo  consintiera,  los  mios  no  pasarian  por  ello."  Ix- 
tlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  85. 

"  "i  Que  haze  v.  m.  ya  con  tantas  palabras?  O  le  Ueuemos  preso, 
6  le  daremos  de  estocadas,  por  esso  tornadle  a  dezir,  que  si  da  vozes, 
6  haze  alboroto,  que  le  matar^is,  porque  mas  vale  que  desta  vez  as- 
seguremos  nuestras  vidas,  6  las  perdamos."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  95, 


1519]  SEIZURE    OF    MONTEZUMA  345 

of  INIarina  what  the  angry  Spaniard  said.  The 
interpreter  explained  it  in  as  gentle  a  manner 
as  she  could,  beseeching  him  "  to  accompany  the 
white  men  to  their  quarters,  where  he  would  be 
treated  with  all  respect  and  kindness,  while  to  re- 
fuse them  would  but  expose  himself  to  violence, 
perhaps  to  death."  JNIarina,  doubtless,  spoke  to  her 
sovereign  as  she  thought,  and  no  one  had  better 
opportunity  of  knowing  the  truth  than  herself. 

This  last  appeal  shook  the  resolution  of  INIonte- 
zuma.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  unhappy  prince 
looked  around  for  sympathy  or  support.  As  his 
eyes  wandered  over  the  stern  visages  and  iron 
forms  of  the  Spaniards,  he  felt  that  his  hour  was 
indeed  come;  and,  with  a  voice  scarcely  audible 
from  emotion,  he  consented  to  accompany  the 
strangers, — to  quit  the  palace  whither  he  was  never 
more  to  return.  Had  he  possessed  the  spirit  of  the 
first  Montezuma,  he  would  have  called  his  guards 
around  him,  and  left  his  life-blood  on  the  threshold, 
sooner  than  have  been  dragged  a  dishonored  cap- 
tive across  it.  But  his  courage  sank  under  cir- 
cumstances. He  felt  he  was  the  instrument  of  an 
irresistible  Fate!^^ 

"  O'iedo  has  some  doubts  whether  Montezuma's  conduct  is  to  be 
viewed  as  pusillanimous  or  as  prudent.  "  Al  coronista  le  parece, 
segun  lo  que  se  puede  colegir  de  esta  materia,  que  Montezuma  era, 
6  mui  falto  de  animo,  6  pusilanimo,  6  mui  prudente,  aunque  en 
muchas  cosas,  los  que  le  vieron  lo  loan  de  mui  sefior  y  mui  liberal; 
y  en  sus  razonamientos  mostraba  ser  de  buen  juicio."  He  strikes  the 
balance,  however,  in  favor  of  pusillanimity.  "  Un  Principe  tan 
grande  como  Montezuma  no  se  habia  de  dexar  incurrir  en  tales 
terminos,  ni  consentir  ser  detenido  de  tan  poco  mimero  de  Espanoles, 
ni  de  otra  generacion  alguna;  mas  como  Dios  tiene  ordenado  lo  que 
ha  de  ser,  ninguno  puede  huir  de  su  juicio."  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  6. 


346  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

No  sooner  had  the  Spaniards  got  his  consent 
than  orders  were  given  for  the  royal  litter.  The 
nobles  who  bore  and  attended  it  could  scarcely  be- 
lieve their  senses  when  they  learned  their  master's 
purpose.  But  pride  now  came  to  Montezuma's 
aid,  and,  since  he  must  go,  he  preferred  that  it 
should  appear  to  be  with  his  own  free  will.  As  the 
royal  retinue,  escorted  by  the  Spaniards,  marched 
through  the  street  with  downcast  eyes  and  dejected 
mien,  the  people  assembled  in  crowds,  and  a  rumor 
rang  among  them  that  the  emperor  was  carried  off 
by  force  to  the  quarters  of  the  white  men.  A  tu- 
mult would  have  soon  arisen  but  for  the  interven- 
tion of  Montezuma  himself,  who  called  out  to  the 
people  to  disperse,  as  he  was  visiting  his  friends  of 
his  own  accord;  thus  sealing  his  ignominy  by  a 
declaration  which  deprived  his  subjects  of  the  only 
excuse  for  resistance.*    On  reaching  the  quarters, 

*  [Writers  of  the  school  of  Morgan  and  Bandelier  rightly  lay  great 
stress  upon  the  circumstances  connected  with  the  capture  of  Monte- 
zuma as  tending  to  prove  that  the  so-called  "  emperor  "  had  no  real 
power,  but  was  only  the  agent  of  the  tribe.  The  Aztec  system  of 
government  showed  startling  variations  from  the  ordinary  communal 
type,  and  in  another  century  might  have  developed  into  a  monar- 
chical system,  but  it  was  nevertheless  still  a  military  democracy. 
Cortes  was  quartered  in  the  Tecpan  of  the  tribe,  which  Tecpan 
Montezuma  had  vacated  to  provide  accommodations  for  his  guests. 
It  was  not  very  remarkable,  therefore,  that  the  chief  should  return 
to  his  old  quarters.  There  were  no  royal  guards  to  defend  his  per- 
son. When  he  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Spaniards  his  influence 
was  lost.  But  the  people,  whose  chief  officer  he  was,  were  in  a  quan- 
dary. The  Spaniards  had  learned  in  their  dealings  with  other 
tribes  that  Indians  were  demoralized  and  unable  to  fight  when  their 
caciques  were  taken.  (Cicique  was  the  title  usually  given  to  Mon- 
tezuma in  the  first  despatches  of  Cortes.)  According  to  aboriginal 
customs,  prisoners  of  war  were  killed,  and  their  offices  reverted  to  the 
tribe.  Cortes,  when  he  took  Montezuma  prisoner,  captured  both  the 
man  and  his  office.  Under  ordinary  circumstances  there  could  be  no 
vacancy  in  the  office  until  its  holder  died.     We  shall  note  later  the 


1519]     HIS    TREATMENT    BY    SPANIARDS      347 

he  sent  out  his  nobles  with  similar  assurances  to  the 
mob,  and  renewed  orders  to  return  to  their  homes.^^ 
He  was  received  with  ostentatious  respect  by  the 
Spaniards,  and  selected  the  suite  of  apartments 
which  best  pleased  him.  They  were  soon  furnished 
with  fine  cotton  tapestries,  feather-work,  and  all 
the  elegancies  of  Indian  upholstery.  He  was  at- 
tended by  such  of  his  household  as  he  chose,  his 
wives  and  his  pages,  and  was  served  with  his  usual 
pomp  and  luxury  at  his  meals.*  He  gave  audi- 
ence, as  in  his  own  palace,  to  his  subjects,  who  were 
admitted  to  his  presence,  few,  indeed,  at  a  time, 
under  the  pretext  of  greater  order  and  decorum. 
From  the  Spaniards  themselves  he  met  with  a  for- 
mal deference.  No  one,  not  even  the  general  him- 
self, approached  him  without  doffing  his  casque 
and  rendering  the  obeisance  due  to  his  rank.  Nor 
did  they  ever  sit  in  his  presence,  without  being 
invited  by  him  to  do  so.^^ 

"  The  story  of  the  seizure  of  Montezuma  may  be  found,  with  the 
usual  discrepancies  in  the  details,  in  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren- 
zana,  pp.  84-86, — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  95, — Ix- 
tlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  85,— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  6, — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  83, — Herrera,  Hist,  gene- 
ral, dec.  2,  lib.  8,  cap.  2,  3, — Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  3. 

" "  Siempre  que  ante  el  passauamos,  y  aunque  f  uesse  Cort6s,  le 
quitauamos  los  bonetes  de  armas  6  cascos,  que  siempre  estauamos 

enormous  blunder  Cortes  made  because  of  his  ignorance  of  Aztec 
institutions. — M.] 

*  [According  to  Tapia,  his  servants  brought  him  at  each  meal  more 
than  four  hundred  dishes  of  meat,  game,  and  fish,  intermingled  with 
vegetables  and  fruits:  "  e  debajo  de  cada  plato  de  los  que  a  sus  servi- 
dores  les  parecie  que  el  comerie,  venia  un  braserico  con  lumbre;  .  .  . 
siempre  le  traian  platos  nuevos  en  que  comie,  e  jamas  comie  en  cada 
plato  mas  du  una  vez,  ni  se  vistie  ropa  mas  de  una  vez;  6  lavdbase  el 
cuerpo  cada  dia  dos  veces."  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.  para  la  Hist, 
de  Mexico,  torn,  ii.— K.] 


348  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

With  all  this  studied  ceremony  and  show  of 
homage,  there  was  one  circumstance  which  too 
clearly  proclaimed  to  his  people  that  their  sover- 
eign was  a  prisoner.  In  the  front  of  the  palace 
a  patrol  of  sixty  men  was  established,  and  the  same 
number  in  the  rear.  Twenty  of  each  corps 
mounted  guard  at  once,  maintaining  a  careful 
watch,  day  and  night.^^  Another  body,  under 
command  of  Velasquez  de  Leon,  was  stationed  in 
the  royal  antechamber.  Cortes  punished  any  de- 
parture from  duty,  or  relaxation  of  vigilance,  in 
these  sentinels,  with  the  utmost  severity.^"  He 
felt,  as  indeed  every  Spaniard  must  have  felt,  that 
the  escape  of  the  emperor  now  w^ould  be  their  ruin. 
Yet  the  task  of  this  unintermitting  watch  sorely 
added  to  their  fatigues.  "  Better  this  dog  of  a 
king  should  die,"  cried  a  soldier  one  day,  "  than 
that  we  should  wear  out  our  lives  in  this  manner." 
The  words  were  uttered  in  the  hearing  of  ^Nlonte- 
zuma,  who  gathered  something  of  their  import,  and 
the  offender  was  severely  chastised  by  order  of  the 
general.^  ^  Such  instances  of  disrespect,  however, 
were  very  rare.  Indeed,  the  amiable  deportment 
of  the  monarch,  who  seemed  to  take  pleasure  in 
the  society  of  his  jailers,  and  who  never  allowed  a 
favor  or  attention  from  the  meanest  soldier  to  go 

armados,  y  el  nos  hazia  gran  mesura,  y  honra  d  todos.  ,  .  .  Digo 
que  no  se  sentauan  Cortes,  ni  ningun  Capitan,  hasta  que  el  Monte- 
zuma les  mandaua  dar  sus  assentaderos  ricos,  y  les  mandaua  assen- 
tar."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  95,  100. 

'"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  8,  cap.  3. 

"  On  one  occasion,  three  soldiers,  who  left  their  posts  without 
orders,  were  sentenced  to  run  the  gauntlet, — a  punishment  little 
short  of  death.     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  97. 


151^]     HIS    TREATMENT    BY    SPANIARDS      349 

unrequited,  inspired  the  Spaniards  with  as  much 
attachment  as  they  were  capable  of  feeling — for  a 
barbarian.^  ^ 

Things  were  in  this  posture,  when  the  arrival  of 
Quauhpopoca  from  the  coast  was  announced.  He 
was  accompanied  by  his  son  and  fifteen  Aztec 
chiefs.  He  had  travelled  all  the  way,  borne,  as  be- 
came his  high  rank,  in  a  litter.  On  entering  Mon- 
tezuma's presence,  he  threw  over  his  dress  the 
coarse  robe  of  neqiien,  and  made  the  usual  hu- 
miliating acts  of  obeisance.  The  poor  parade  of 
courtly  ceremony  was  the  more  striking  when 
placed  in  contrast  with  the  actual  condition  of  the 
parties. 

The  Aztec  governor  was  coldly  received  by  his 

"•  [The  patriotic  sensibilities  of  Senor  Ramirez  are  somewhat  dis- 
turbed by  my  application  of  the  term  barbarians  to  his  Aztec  coun- 
trymen.* This  word,  with  the  corresponding  epithet  of  savages, 
forms  the  key,  he  seems  to  think,  to  my  description  of  the  ancient 
Mexicans.  "  Regarded  from  this  point  of  view,"  he  says,  '"  the  as- 
tounding examples  of  heroism  and  self-devotion  so  rarely  met  with 
in  the  history  of  the  world  are  interpreted  not  as  a  voluntary  sacrifice 
inspired  by  the  holy  love  of  country  and  of  freedom,  but  as  the  effect 
of  a  brutish  hatred  and  stupid  ferocity."  There  may  be  some  foun- 
dation for  these  strictures,  though  somewhat  too  highly  colored.  And 
one  cannot  deny  that,  as  he  reflects  on  the  progress  made  by  the 
Aztecs  in  the  knowledge  of  the  useful  arts,  and,  indeed,  to  a  cer- 
tain extent,  of  science,  he  must  admit  their  claim  to  a  higher  place 
in  the  scale  of  civilization  than  that  occupied  by  barbarians, — to  one, 
in  truth,  occupied  by  the  semi-civilized  races  of  China  and  Hin- 
dostan.  But  there  is  another  side  of  the  picture,  not  presented  by 
the  Eastern  nations,  in  those  loathsome  abominations  which  degraded 
the  Aztec  character  to  a  level  with  the  lowest  stages  of  humanity, 
and  makes  even  the  term  barbarian  inadequate  to  express  the  fero- 
city of  his  nature.] 

*  [This  sensibilit^y  is  the  more  natural  that  Seiior  Ramirez  claims 
descent  not  from  the  conquering  but  from  the  conquered  race, — a 
fact  which  may  also  account  for  his  rigorous  judgments  on  the  acts 
and  character  of  Cortes.— K.] 


350  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

master,  who  referred  the  affair  (had  he  the  power 
to  do  otherwise?)  to  the  examination  of  Cortes. 
It  was,  doubtless,  conducted  in  a  sufficiently  sum- 
mary manner.  To  the  general's  query,  whether 
the  cacique  was  the  subject  of  Montezuma,  he  re- 
plied, "  And  what  other  sovereign  could  I  serve?  " 
implying  that  his  sway  was  universal. ^"^  He  did 
not  deny  his  share  in  the  transaction,  nor  did  he 
seek  to  shelter  himself  under  the  royal  authority 
till  sentence  of  death  was  passed  on  him  and  his 
followers,  when  they  all  laid  the  blame  of  their 
proceedings  on  Montezuma. ^^  They  were  con- 
demned to  be  burnt  alive  in  the  area  before  the 
palace.  The  funeral  piles  were  made  of  heaps  of 
arrows,  javelins,  and  other  weapons,  drawn  by  the 
emperor's  permission  from  the  arsenals  round  the 
great  teocalli,  where  they  had  been  stored  to  supply 
means  of  defence  in  times  of  civic  tumult  or  insur- 
rection. By  this  politic  precaution  Cortes  pro- 
posed to  remove  a  ready  means  of  annoyance  in 
case  of  hostilities  with  the  citizens. 

To  crown  the  whole  of  these  extraordinary  pro- 
ceedings, Cortes,  while  preparations  for  the  exe- 
cution were  going  on,  entered  the  emperor's  apart- 
ment, attended  by  a  soldier  bearing  fetters  in  his 

JO «  Y  despues  que  confesdron  haber  muerto  los  Espanoles,  les  hice 
interrogar  si  ellos  eran  Vasallos  de  Muteczuma?  Y  el  dicho  Qualpo- 
poca  respondio,  que  si  habia  otro  Senor,  de  quien  pudiesse  serlo? 
casi  diciendo,  que  no  habia  otro,  y  que  si  eran."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cor- 
tes, ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  87. 

"  "  E  assimismo  les  pregunte,  si  lo  que  alii  se  habia  hecho  si  habia 
sido  por  su  mandado?  y  dijeron  que  no,  aunque  despues,  al  tiempo 
que  en  ellos  se  execut6  la  sentencia,  que  fuessen  quemados,  todos  d 
una  voz  dijeron,  que  era  verdad  que  el  dicho  Muteczuma  se  lo  habia 
embiado  A  mandar,  y  que  por  su  mandado  lo  habian  hecho."  Rel. 
Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  loe.  cit. 


1519]  MONTEZUMA   IN   IRONS  351 

hands.  With  a  severe  aspect,  he  charged  the 
monarch  with  being  the  original  contriver  of  the 
violence  offered  to  the  Spaniards,  as  was  now 
proved  by  the  declaration  of  his  own  instruments. 
Such  a  crime,  which  merited  death  in  a  subject, 
could  not  be  atoned  for,  even  by  a  sovereign,  with- 
out some  punishment.  So  saying,  he  ordered  the 
soldier  to  fasten  the  fetters  on  Montezuma's  ankles. 
He  coolly  waited  till  it  was  done,  then,  turning  his 
back  on  the  monarch,  quitted  the  room. 

Montezuma  was  speechless  under  the  infliction 
of  this  last  insult.  He  was  like  one  struck  down 
by  a  heavy  blow,  that  deprives  him  of  all  his  fac- 
ulties. He  offered  no  resistance.  But,  though  he 
spoke  not  a  word,  low,  ill-suppressed  moans,  from 
time  to  time,  intimated  the  anguish  of  his  spirit. 
His  attendants,  bathed  in  tears,  offered  him  their 
consolations.  They  tenderly  held  his  feet  in  their 
arms,  and  endeavored,  by  inserting  their  shawls 
and  mantles,  to  relieve  them  from  the  pressure  of 
the  iron.  But  they  could  not  reach  the  iron  which 
had  penetrated  into  his  soul.  He  felt  that  he  was 
no  more  a  king. 

Meanwhile,  the  execution  of  the  dreadful  doom 
was  going  forward.  The  whole  Spanish  force  was 
under  arms,  to  check  any  interruption  that  might 
be  offered  by  the  Mexicans.  But  none  was  at- 
tempted. The  populace  gazed  in  silent  wonder, 
regarding  it  as  the  sentence  of  the  emperor.  The 
manner  of  the  execution,  too,  excited  less  surprise, 
from  their  familiarity  with  similar  spectacles,  ag- 
gravated, indeed,  by  additional  horrors,  in  their 
own  diabolical  sacrifices.    The  Aztec  lord  and  his 


352  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

companions,  bound  hand  and  foot  to  the  blazing 
piles,  submitted  without  a  cry  or  a  complaint  to 
their  terrible  fate.  Passive  fortitude  is  the  virtue 
of  the  Indian  warrior ;  and  it  was  the  glory  of  the 
Aztec,  as  of  the  other  races  on  the  North  American 
continent,  to  show  how  the  spirit  of  the  brave  man 
may  triumph  over  torture  and  the  agonies  of  death. 

When  the  dismal  tragedy  was  ended,  Cortes  re- 
entered Montezuma's  apartment.  Kneeling  down, 
he  unclasped  his  shackles  with  his  own  hand,  ex- 
pressing at  the  same  time  his  regret  that  so  disa- 
greeable a  duty  as  that  of  subjecting  him  to  such 
a  punishment  had  been  imposed  on  him.  This  last 
indignity  had  entirely  crushed  the  spirit  of  Mon- 
tezuma ;  and  the  monarch  whose  frown,  but  a  week 
since,  would  have  made  the  nations  of  Anahuac 
tremble  to  their  remotest  borders,  was  now  craven 
enough  to  thank  his  deliverer  for  his  freedom,  as 
for  a  great  and  unmerited  boon!  ^^ 

Not  long  after,  the  Spanish  general,  conceiving 
that  his  royal  captive  was  sufficiently  humbled,  ex- 
pressed his  willingness  that  he  should  return,  if  he 
inclined,  to  his  own  palace.  Montezuma  declined 
it ;  alleging,  it  is  said,  that  his  nobles  had  more  than 
once  importuned  him  to  resent  his  injuries  by  tak- 

"Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  89.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib. 
33,  cap.  6. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  95. — One  may 
doubt  whether  pity  or  contempt  predominates  in  Martyr's  notice 
of  this  event.  "  Infelix  tunc  Muteczuma  re  adeo  noua  perculsus, 
formidine  repletur,  decidit  animo,  neque  iam  erigere  caput  audet, 
aut  suorum  auxilia  implorare.  lUe  vero  poenam  se  meruisse  fas- 
sus  est,  vti  agnus  mitis.  ^quo  animo  pati  videtur  has  regulas  gram- 
maticalibus  duriores,  imberbibus  pueris  dictatas,  omnia  placide  fert, 
ne  seditio  ciuium  et  procerum  oriatur."  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5, 
cap.  3. 


1519]  MONTEZUMA   IX   IRONS  353 

ing  arms  against  the  Spaniards,  and  that,  were  he 
in  the  midst  of  them,  it  would  be  difficult  to  avoid 
it,  or  to  save  his  capital  from  bloodshed  and  an- 
archy.^^  The  reason  did  honor  to  his  heart,  if  it 
was  the  one  which  influenced  him.  It  is  probable 
that  he  did  not  care  to  trust  his  safety  to  those 
haughty  and  ferocious  chieftains,  who  had  wit- 
nessed the  degradation  of  their  master,  and  must 
despise  his  pusillanimity,  as  a  thing  unprecedented 
in  an  Aztec  monarch.  It  is  also  said  that,  when 
jNIarina  conveyed  to  him  the  permission  of  Cortes, 
the  other  interpreter,  Aguilar,  gave  him  to  un- 
derstand the  Spanish  officers  never  would  consent 
that  he  should  avail  himself  of  it.^^ 

Whatever  were  his  reasons,  it  is  certain  that  he 
declined  the  offer;  and  the  general,  in  a  well- 
feigned  or  real  ecstasy,  embraced  him,  declaring 
"  that  he  loved  him  as  a  brother,  and  that  every 
Spaniard  would  be  zealously  devoted  to  his  inter- 
ests, since  he  had  shown  himself  so  mindful  of 
theirs!"  Honeyed  words,  "which,"  says  the 
shrewd  old  chronicler  who  was  present,  "  JNIonte- 
zuma  was  wise  enough  to  know  the  worth  of." 

The  events  recorded  in  this  chapter  are  certainly 
some  of  the  most  extraordinary  on  the  page  of 
history.  That  a  small  body  of  men,  like  the  Span- 
iards, should  have  entered  the  palace  of  a  mighty 
prince,  have  seized  his  person  in  the  midst  of  his 
vassals,  have  borne  him  off  a  captive  to  their  quar- 
ters,— that  they  should  have  put  to  an  ignominious 
death  before  his  face  his  high  officers,  for  execut- 

°  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  18. 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. 


S54  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

ing,  probably,  his  own  commands,  and  have 
crowned  the  whole  by  putting  the  monarch  in  irons 
like  a  common  malefactor,— that  this  should  have 
been  done,  not  to  a  drivelhng  dotard  in  the  decay 
of  his  fortunes,  but  to  a  proud  monarch  in  the 
plenitude  of  his  power,  in  the  very  heart  of  his 
capital,  surrounded  by  thousands  and  tens  of 
thousands,  who  trembled  at  his  nod  and  would 
have  poured  out  their  blood  like  water  in  his  de- 
fence,—that  all  this  should  have  been  done  by  a 
mere  handful  of  adventurers,  is  a  thing  too  ex- 
travagant, altogether  too  improbable,  for  the 
pages  of  romance!  It  is,  nevertheless,  literally 
true.  Yet  we  shall  not  be  prepared  to  acquiesce  in 
the  judgments  of  contemporaries  who  regarded 
these  acts  with  admiration.  We  may  well  distrust 
any  grounds  on  which  it  is  attempted  to  justify  the 
kidnapping  of  a  friendly  sovereign, — by  those 
very  persons,  too,  who  were  reaping  the  full  bene- 
fit of  his  favors. 

To  view  the  matter  differently,  we  must  take 
the  position  of  the  Conquerors  and  assume  with 
them  the  original  right  of  conquest.  Regarded 
from  this  point  of  view,  many  difficulties  vanish. 
If  conquest  were  a  duty,  whatever  w^as  necessary 
to  effect  it  was  right  also.  Right  and  expedient 
become  convertible  terms.  And  it  can  hardly  be 
denied  that  the  capture  of  the  monarch  was  expe- 
dient, if  the  Spaniards  would  maintain  their  hold 
on  the  empire.^^ 

"  Archbishop  Lorenzana,  as  late  as  the  close  of  the  last  centurj', 
finds  good  Scripture  warrant  for  the  proceeding  of  the  Spaniards. 
••  Fue  grande  prudencia,  y  Arte  militar  haber  asegurado  a  el  Empe- 


1519]  REFLECTIONS  S55 

The  execution  of  the  Aztec  governor  suggests 
other  considerations.  If  he  were  really  guilty  of 
the  perfidious  act  imputed  to  him  by  Cortes,  and  if 
Montezuma  disavowed  it,  the  governor  deserved 
death,  and  the  general  was  justified  by  the  law  of 
nations  in  inflicting  it.^^  It  is  by  no  means  so  clear, 
however,  why  he  should  have  involved  so  many  in 
this  sentence;  most,  perhaps  all,  of  whom  must 
have  acted  under  his  authority.  The  cruel  manner 
of  the  death  v/ill  less  startle  those  who  are  familiar 
with  the  established  penal  codes  in  most  civilized 
nations  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

But,  if  the  governor  deserved  death,  what  pre- 
tence was  there  for  the  outrage  on  the  person 
of  Montezuma?  If  the  former  was  guilty,  the 
latter  surely  was  not.  But,  if  the  cacique  only 
acted  in  obedience  to  orders,  the  responsibility 
was  transferred  to  the  sovereign  who  gave  the 
orders.  They  could  not  both  stand  in  the  same 
category. 

It  is  vain,  however,  to  reason  on  the  matter  on 
any  abstract  principles  of  right  and  wrong,  or  to 
suppose  that  the  Conquerors  troubled  themselves 
with  the  refinements  of  casuistry.  Their  standard 
of  right  and  wrong,  in  reference  to  the  natives,  was 
a  very  simple  one.  Despising  them  as  an  outlawed 
race,  without  God  in  the  world,  they,  in  common 

rador,  porque  sino  quedaban  expuestos  Hernan  Cortes,  y  sus  solda- 
dos  d  perecer  a  traycion,  y  teniendo  seguro  d  el  Emperador  se  ase- 
guraba  a  si  mismo,  pues  los  Espanoles  no  se  confian  ligeramente: 
Jonathas  fu6  muerto,  y  sorprendido  por  haberse  confiado  de  Tri- 
phon."     Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  p.  84,  nota. 

*•  See  PufFendorf,  De  Jure  Naturae  et  Gentium,  lib.  8,  cap.  6,  sec. 
10.— Vattel,  Law  of  Nations,  book  3,  chap.  8,  sec.  141. 


356  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

with  their  age,  held  it  to  be  their  "  mission  "  (to 
borrow  the  cant  phrase  of  our  own  day)  to  conquer 
and  to  convert.  The  measures  they  adopted  cer- 
tainly facilitated  the  first  great  work  of  conquest. 
By  the  execution  of  the  caciques  they  struck  terror 
not  only  into  the  capital,  but  throughout  the  coun- 
try. It  proclaimed  that  not  a  hair  of  a  Spaniard 
was  to  be  touched  with  impunity!  By  render- 
ing Montezuma  contemptible  in  his  own  eyes  and 
those  of  his  subjects,  Cortes  deprived  him  of  the 
support  of  his  people  and  forced  him  to  lean 
on  the  arm  of  the  stranger.  It  was  a  j)olitic 
proceeding, — to  which  few  men  could  have  been 
equal  who  had  a  touch  of  humanity  in  their 
natures. 

A  good  criterion  of  the  moral  sense  of  the  actors 
in  these  events  is  afforded  by  the  reflections  of 
Bernal  Diaz,  made  some  fifty  years,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, after  the  events  themselves,  when  the 
fire  of  youth  had  become  extinct,  and  the  eye, 
glancing  back  through  the  vista  of  half  a  century, 
might  be  supposed  to  be  unclouded  by  the  passions 
and  prejudices  which  throw  their  mist  over  the 
present.  "  Now  that  I  am  an  old  man,"  says  the 
veteran,  "  I  often  entertain  myself  with  calling  to 
mind  the  heroical  deeds  of  early  days,  till  they  are 
as  fresh  as  the  events  of  yesterday.  I  think  of  the 
seizure  of  the  Indian  monarch,  his  confinement  in 
irons,  and  the  execution  of  his  officers,  till  all  these 
things  seem  actually  passing  before  me.  And,  as 
I  ponder  on  our  exploits,  I  feel  that  it  was  not  of 
ourselves  that  we  performed  them,  but  that  it  was 
the  providence  of  God  which  guided  us.     Much 


1519]  REFLECTIONS  357 

food  is  there  here  for  meditation!  "  '^  There  is  so, 
indeed,  and  for  a  meditation  not  unpleasing,  as  we 
reflect  on  the  advance,  in  speculative  morahty  at 
least,  which  the  nineteenth  century  has  made  over 
the  sixteenth.  But  should  not  the  consciousness  of 
this  teach  us  charitj^?  Should  it  not  make  us  the 
more  distrustful  of  applying  the  standard  of  the 
present  to  measure  the  actions  of  the  past? 

"  "  Osar  quemar  sus  Capitanes  delante  de  sus  Palacios,  y  echalle 
grillos  entre  tanto  que  se  hazia  la  Justicia,  que  muchas  vezes  aora  que 
soy  vie  jo  me  paro  d  considerar  las  cosas  heroicas  que  en  aquel  tiempo 
passamos,  que  me  parece  las  veo  presentes:  Y  digo  que  nuestros 
hechos,  que  no  los  haziamos  nosotros,  sino  que  venian  todos  encami- 
nados  por  Dios.  .  .  .  Porque  ay  mucho  que  ponderar  en  eUo."  Hist, 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  95. 


CHAPTER  IV 

Montezuma's   deportment— his   life   in   the 

SPANISH  QUARTERS  — meditated  INSURRECTION 
—  LORD  OF  TEZCUCO  SEIZED  —  FURTHER  MEA- 
SURES OF  CORTES 

1520 

THE  settlement  of  La  Villa  Rica  de  Vera  Cruz 
was  of  the  last  importance  to  the  Spaniards. 
It  was  the  port  by  which  they  were  to  commmiicate 
with  Spain;  the  strong  post  on  which  they  were  to 
retreat  in  case  of  disaster,  and  which  was  to  bridle 
their  enemies  and  give  security  to  their  allies;  the 
point  d'appui  for  all  their  operations  in  the  coun- 
try. It  was  of  great  moment,  therefore,  that  the 
care  of  it  should  be  intrusted  to  proper  hands. 

A  cavalier,  named  Alonso  de  Grado,  had  been 
sent  by  Cortes  to  take  the  place  made  vacant  by 
the  death  of  Escalante.  He  was  a  person  of 
greater  repute  in  civil  than  military  matters,  and 
would  be  more  likely,  it  was  thought,  to  maintain 
peaceful  relations  with  the  natives  than  a  person 
of  more  belligerent  spirit.  Cortes  made — what 
was  rare  with  him — a  bad  choice.  He  soon  re- 
ceived such  accounts  of  troubles  in  the  settlement 
from  the  exactions  and  negligence  of  the  new  gov- 
ernor, that  he  resolved  to  supersede  him. 

358 


1520]         MONTEZUMA'S   DEPORTMENT  359 

He  now  gave  the  command  to  Gonzalo  de  San- 
doval, a  young  cavalier,  who  had  displayed, 
through  the  whole  campaign,  singular  intrepidity 
united  with  sagacity  and  discretion ;  while  the  good 
humor  with  which  he  bore  every  privation,  and  his 
aiFable  manners,  made  him  a  favorite  with  all,  pri- 
vates as  well  as  officers.  Sandoval  accordingly  left 
the  camp  for  the  coast.  Cortes  did  not  mistake  his 
man  a  second  time. 

Notwithstanding  the  actual  control  exercised  by 
the  Spaniards  through  their  royal  captive,  Cortes 
felt  some  uneasiness  when  he  reflected  that  it  was 
in  the  power  of  the  Indians  at  any  time  to  cut  off 
his  communications  with  the  surrounding  country 
and  hold  him  a  prisoner  in  the  capital.  He  pro- 
posed, therefore,  to  build  two  vessels  of  sufficient 
size  to  transport  his  forces  across  the  lake,  and  thus 
to  render  himself  independent  of  the  causeways. 
Montezuma  was  pleased  with  the  idea  of  seeing 
those  wonderful  "  water-houses,"  of  which  he  had 
heard  so  much,  and  readily  gave  permission  to  have 
the  timber  in  the  royal  forests  felled  for  the  pur- 
pose. The  work  was  placed  under  the  direction  of 
Martin  Lopez,  an  experienced  ship-builder.  Or- 
ders were  also  given  to  Sandoval  to  send  up  from 
the  coast  a  supply  of  cordage,  sails,  iron,  and  other 
necessary  materials,  which  had  been  judiciously 
saved  on  the  destruction  of  the  fleet.^ 

The  Aztec  emperor,  meanwhile,  was  passing  his 
days  in  the  Spanish  quarters  in  no  very  different 
manner  from  what  he  had  been  accustomed  to  in 
his  own  palace.    His  keepers  were  too  well  aware 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  96. 


360  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

of  the  value  of  their  prize,  not  to  do  everything 
which  could  make  his  captivity  comfortable  and 
disguise  it  from  himself.  But  the  chain  will  gall, 
though  wreathed  with  roses.  After  Montezuma's 
breakfast,  which  was  a  light  meal  of  fruits  or  vege- 
tables, Cortes  or  some  of  his  officers  usually  waited 
on  him,  to  learn  if  he  had  any  commands  for  them. 
He  then  devoted  some  time  to  business.  He  gave 
audience  to  those  of  his  subjects  who  had  peti- 
tions to  prefer  or  suits  to  settle.  The  statement 
of  the  party  was  drawn  up  on  the  hieroglyphic 
scrolls,  which  were  submitted  to  a  number  of 
counsellors  or  judges,  who  assisted  him  with 
their  advice  on  these  occasions.  Envoys  from  for- 
eign states  or  his  own  remote  provinces  and 
cities  were  also  admitted,  and  the  Spaniards 
were  careful  that  the  same  precise  and  punctil- 
ious etiquette  should  be  maintained  towards  the 
royal  puppet  as  when  in  the  plenitude  of  his 
authority. 

After  business  was  despatched,  Montezuma 
often  amused  himself  with  seeing  the  Castilian 
troops  go  through  their  military  exercises.  He, 
too,  had  been  a  soldier,  and  in  his  prouder  days  had 
led  armies  in  the  field.  It  was  very  natural  he 
should  take  an  interest  in  the  novel  display  of  Eu- 
ropean tactics  and  discipline.  At  other  times  he 
would  challenge  Cortes  or  his  officers  to  play  at 
some  of  the  national  games.  A  favorite  one  was 
called  totoloque,  played  with  golden  balls  aimed 
at  a  target  or  mark  of  the  same  metal.  jNIonte- 
zuma  usually  staked  something  of  value, — precious 
stones  or  ingots  of  gold.     He  lost  with  good  hu- 


1520]     HIS   LIFE   IN   SPANISH   QUARTERS     361 

mor;  indeed,  it  was  of  little  consequence  whether 
he  won  or  lost,  since  he  generally  gave  away  his 
winnings  to  his  attendants.^  He  had,  in  truth,  a 
most  munificent  spirit.  His  enemies  accused  him 
of  avarice.  But,  if  he  were  avaricious,  it  could  have 
been  only  that  he  might  have  the  more  to  give 
away. 

Each  of  the  Spaniards  had  several  Mexicans, 
male  and  female,  who  attended  to  his  cooking  and 
various  other  personal  offices.  Cortes,  consider- 
ing that  the  maintenance  of  this  host  of  menials 
was  a  heavy  tax  on  the  royal  exchequer,  ordered 
them  to  be  dismissed,  excepting  one  to  be  re- 
tained for  eacli  soldier.  Montezuma,  on  learn- 
ing this,  pleasantly  remonstrated  with  the  gene- 
ral on  his  careful  economy,  as  unbecoming 
a  royal  establishment,  and,  countermanding  the 
order,  caused  additional  accommodation  to  be 
provided  for  the  attendants,  and  their  pay  to  be 
doubled. 

On  another  occasion,  a  soldier  purloined  some 
trinkets  of  gold  from  the  treasure  kept  in  the 
chamber,  which,  since  Montezuma's  arrival  in  the 
Spanish  quarters,  had  been  reopened.  Cortes 
would  have  punished  the  man  for  the  theft,  but  the 
emperor,  interfering,  said  to  him,  "  Your  country- 
men are  welcome  to  the  gold  and  other  articles,  if 
you  will  but  spare  those  belonging  to  the  gods." 
Some  of  the  soldiers,  making  the  most  of  his 
permission,  carried  off  several  hundred  loads  of 
fine  cotton  to  their  quarters.  When  this  was 
represented    to    ^Montezuma,    he    only    replied, 

'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  97. 


362  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

"  What   I   have  once   given   I  never  take   back 
again. 

While  thus  indifferent  to  his  treasures,  he  was 
keenly  sensitive  to  personal  slight  or  insult.  When 
a  common  soldier  once  spoke  to  him  angrily,  the 
tears  came  into  the  monarch's  eyes,  as  it  made 
him  feel  the  true  character  of  his  impotent  condi- 
tion. Cortes,  on  becoming  acquainted  with  it, 
was  so  much  incensed  that  he  ordered  the  soldier 
to  be  hanged,  but,  on  Montezuma's  interces- 
sion, commuted  this  severe  sentence  for  a  flog- 
ging. The  general  was  not  willing  that  any 
one  but  himself  should  treat  his  royal  captive 
with  indignity.  Montezuma  was  desired  to  pro- 
cure a  further  mitigation  of  the  punishment. 
But  he  refused,  saying  "  that,  if  a  similar  insult 
had  been  offered  by  any  one  of  his  subjects 
to  Malinche,  he  would  have  resented  it  in  like 
manner."  ^ 

Such  instances  of  disrespect  were  very  rare. 
Montezuma's  amiable  and  inoffensive  manners,  to- 
gether with  his  liberality,  the  most  popular  of  vir- 
tues with  the  vulgar,  made  him  generally  beloved 
by  the  Spaniards.^  The  arrogance  for  which  he 
had  been  so  distinguished  in  his  prosperous  days 
deserted  him  in  his  fallen  fortunes.  His  character 
in  captivity  seems  to  have  undergone  something  of 
that  change  which  takes  place  in  the  wild  animals 

^  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  84.— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  8, 
cap.  4. 

*  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  8,  cap.  5, 

" "  En  esto  era  tan  bien  mirado,  que  todos  le  queriamos  con  gran 
amor,  porque  verdaderamente  era  gran  senor  en  todas  las  cosas  que 
le  viamos  hazer."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  100. 


1520]     HIS   LIFE   I\   SPANISH   QUARTERS      363 

of  the  forest  when  caged  within  the  walls  of  the 
menagerie. 

The  Indian  monarch  knew  the  name  of  every 
man  in  the  army,  and  was  careful  to  discriminate 
his  proper  rank.*^  For  some  he  showed  a  strong 
partiality.  He  obtained  from  the  general  a  favor- 
ite page,  named  Orteguilla,  who,  being  in  constant 
attendance  on  his  person,  soon  learned  enough  of 
the  ^Mexican  language  to  be  of  use  to  his  countrj''- 
men.  jNIontezuma  took  great  pleasure,  also,  in  the 
society  of  Velasquez  de  Leon,  the  captain  of  his 
guard,  and  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  Tonatiuh,  or  "  the 
Sun,"  as  he  was  called  by  the  Aztecs,  from  his  yel- 
low hair  and  sunny  countenance.  The  sunshine, 
as  events  afterwards  showed,  could  sometimes  be 
the  prelude  to  a  terrible  tempest. 

Notwithstanding  the  care  taken  to  cheat  him  of 
the  tedium  of  captivity,  the  royal  prisoner  cast  a 
wistful  glance,  now  and  then,  beyond  the  walls  of 
his  residence  to  the  ancient  haunts  of  business  or 
pleasure.  He  intimated  a  desire  to  offer  up  his 
devotions  at  the  great  temple,  where  he  was  once 
so  constant  in  his  worship.  The  suggestion  startled 
Cortes.  It  was  too  reasonable,  liowever,  for  him  to 
object  to  it  without  wholly  discarding  the  appear- 
ances which  he  was  desirous  to  maintain.  But  he 
secured  Montezuma's  return  by  sending  an  escort 
with  him  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers  under  the 
same  resolute  cavaliers  who  had  aided  in  his  seiz- 
ure.    He  told  him,  also,  that  in  case  of  any  at- 

' "  Y  el  bien  conocia  d  todos,  y  sabia  nuestros  nombres,  y  aun 
calidades,  y  era  tan  bueno  que  &  todos  nos  daua  joyas,  &  otros  man- 
ias e  Indias  hermosas."     Ibid.,  cap.  97. 


364  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

tempt  to  escape  his  life  would  instantly  pay  the 
forfeit.  Thus  guarded,  the  Indian  prince  visited 
the  teocalli,  where  he  was  received  with  the  usual 
state,  and,  after  performing  his  devotions,  he  re- 
turned again  to  his  quarters/ 

It  may  well  be  believed  that  the  Spaniards  did 
not  neglect  the  opportunity  afforded  by  his  resi- 
dence with  them,  of  instilling  into  him  some  no- 
tions of  the  Christian  doctrine.  Fathers  Diaz  and 
Olmedo  exhausted  all  their  battery  of  logic  and 
persuasion,  to  shake  his  faith  in  his  idols,  but  in 
vain.  He,  indeed,  paid  a  most  edifying  attention, 
which  gave  promise  of  better  things.  But  the  con- 
ferences always  closed  with  the  declaration  that 
"  the  God  of  the  Christians  was  good,  but  the  gods 
of  his  own  country  were  the  true  gods  for  him."  ^ 
It  is  said,  however,  they  extorted  a  promise  from 
him  that  he  would  take  part  in  no  more  human  sac- 
rifices. Yet  such  sacrifices  were  of  daily  occur- 
rence in  the  great  temples  of  the  capital;  and  the 
people  were  too  blindly  attached  to  their  bloody 
abominations  for  the  Spaniards  to  deem  it  safe, 
for  the  present  at  least,  openly  to  interfere. 

Montezuma  showed,  also,  an  inclination  to  en- 
gage in  the  pleasures  of  the  chase,  of  which  he  once 
was  immoderately  fond.  He  had  large  forests  re- 
served for  the  purpose  on  the  other  side  of  the  lake. 
As  the  Spanish  brigantines  were  now  completed, 

'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  98. 

'  According  to  Solfs,  the  Devil  closed  his  heart  against  these  good 
men;  though,  in  the  historian's  opinion,  there  is  no  evidence  that  this 
evil  counsellor  actually  appeared  and  conversed  with  Montezuma 
after  the  Spaniards  had  displayed  the  Cross  in  Mexico.  Conquista, 
lib.  3,  cap.  20. 


1520]  MEDITATED   INSURRECTION  365 

Cortes  proposed  to  transport  him  and  his  suite 
across  the  water  in  them.  They  were  of  a  good 
size,  strongly  built.  The  largest  was  mounted  with 
four  falconets,  or  small  guns.  It  was  protected  by 
a  gayly-colored  awning  stretched  over  the  deck, 
and  the  royal  ensign  of  Castile  floated  proudly 
from  the  mast.  On  board  of  this  vessel,  Monte- 
zimia,  delighted  with  the  opportunity  of  witness- 
ing the  nautical  skill  of  the  white  men,  embarked 
with  a  train  of  Aztec  nobles  and  a  numerous 
guard  of  Spaniards.  A  fresh  breeze  played  on  the 
waters,  and  the  vessel  soon  left  behind  it  the 
swarms  of  light  pirogues  which  darkened  their 
surface.  She  seemed  like  a  thing  of  life  in  the 
eyes  of  the  astonished  natives,  who  saw  her,  as 
if  disdaining  human  agency,  sweeping  by  with 
snowy  pinions  as  if  on  the  wings  of  the  wind,  while 
the  thunders  from  her  sides,  now  for  the  first  time 
breaking  on  the  silence  of  this  "  inland  sea," 
showed  that  the  beautiful  phantom  was  clothed  in 
terror.'' 

The  royal  chase  was  well  stocked  with  game; 
some  of  which  the  emperor  shot  with  arrows,  and 
others  were  driven  by  the  numerous  attendants  into 
nets.^^  In  these  woodland  exercises,  while  he 
ranged  over  his  wild  domain,  Montezuma  seemed 
to  enjoy  again  the  sweets  of  liberty.     It  was  but 

»  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  99.— Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortds, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  88. 

"  He  sometimes  killed  his  game  witii  a  tube,  a  sort  of  air-gun, 
through  which  he  blew  little  balls  at  birds  and  rabbits.  "  La  Ca^a  d 
que  Moteguma  iba  por  la  Laguna,  era  ;i  tirar  d  Pa j arcs,  A  Conejos, 
con  Cerbatana,  de  la  qual  era  diestro."  lierrcra,  Hist,  general,  dec. 
2,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. 


366  CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO 

the  shadow  of  liberty,  however;  as  in  his  quarters, 
at  home,  he  enjoyed  but  the  shadow  of  royalty. 
At  home  or  abroad,  the  eye  of  the  Spaniard  was 
always  upon  him. 

But,  while  resigned  himself  without  a  strug- 
gle to  his  inglorious  fate,  there  were  others  who 
looked  on  it  with  very  different  emotions.  Among 
them  was  his  nephew  Cacama,  lord  of  Tezcuco,  a 
young  man  not  more  than  twenty-five  years  of  age, 
but  who  enjoyed  great  consideration  from  his  high 
personal  qualities,  especially  his  intrepidity  of 
character.  He  was  the  same  prince  who  had  been 
sent  by  Montezemua  to  welcome  the  Spaniards  on 
their  entrance  into  the  Valley;  and,  when  the 
question  of  their  reception  was  first  debated  in  the 
council,  he  had  advised  to  admit  them  honorably 
as  ambassadors  of  a  foreign  prince,  and,  if  they 
should  prove  different  from  what  they  pretended, 
it  would  be  time  enough  then  to  take  up  arms 
against  them.  That  time,  he  thought,  had  now 
come. 

In  a  former  part  of  this  work,  the  reader  has 
been  made  acquainted  with  the  ancient  history  of 
the  Acolhuan  or  Tezcucan  monarchy,  once  the 
proud  rival  of  the  Aztec  in  power,  and  greatly  its 
superior  in  civilization.^^  Under  its  last  sovereign, 
Nezahualpilli,  its  territory  is  said  to  have  been 
grievously  clipped  by  the  insidious  practices  of 
Montezuma,  who  fomented  dissensions  and  insub- 
ordination among  his  subjects.  On  the  death  of 
the  Tezcucan  prince,  the  succession  was  contested, 
and  a  bloody  war  ensued  between  his  eldest  son, 

"Ante,  book  I.  chap.  6. 


1520]  MEDITATED   INSURRECTION  367 

Cacama,  and  an  ambitious  younger  brother,  Ixt- 
lilxochitl.  This  was  followed  by  a  partition  of  the 
kingdom,  in  which  the  latter  chieftain  held  the 
mountain  districts  north  of  the  capital,  leaving  the 
residue  to  Cacama.  Though  shorn  of  a  large  part 
of  his  hereditary  domain,  the  city  was  itself  so  im- 
portant that  the  lord  of  Tezcuco  still  held  a  high 
rank  among  the  petty  princes  of  the  Valley.  His 
capital,  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  contained,  ac- 
cording to  Cortes,  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
inliabitants.^^  It  was  embellished  with  noble  build- 
ings, rivalling  those  of  Mexico  itself,  and  the  ruins 
still  to  be  met  with  on  its  ancient  site  attest  that  it 
was  once  the  abode  of  princes.^  ^ 

The  young  Tezcucan  chief  beheld  with  indigna- 
tion and  no  slight  contempt  the  abject  condition 

" "  E  Uamase  esta  Ciudad  Tezcuco,  y  serd  de  hasta  treinta  mil 
Vecinos."  (Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  94.)  According  to  the  licen- 
tiate Zuazo,  double  that  number, — sesenta  mil  Vecinos.  (Carta,  MS.) 
Scarcely  probable,  as  Mexico  had  no  more.  Toribio  speaks  of  it  as 
covering  a  league  one  way  by  six  another!  (Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS., 
Parte  3,  cap.  7.)  This  must  include  the  environs  to  a  considerable 
extent.    The  language  of  the  old  chroniclers  is  not  the  most  precise. 

"  A  description  of  the  capital  in  its  glory  is  thus  given  iiy  an  eye- 
witness. "  Esta  Ciudad  era  la  segimda  cosa  principal  de  la  tierra,  y 
asi  habia  en  Tezcuco  muy  grandes  edificios  de  templos  del  Demonio, 
y  muy  gentiles  casas  y  aposentos  de  Seiiores,  entrc  los  cuales,  fu^ 
muy  cosa  de  ver  la  casa  del  Seiior  principal,  asf  la  vieja  con  su 
huerta  cercada  de  mas  de  mil  cedros  muy  grandes  y  muy  hermosos, 
de  los  cuales  hoy  dia  estdn  los  mas  en  pie,  aunque  la  casa  esta  aso- 
lada,  otra  casa  tenia  que  se  podia  aposentar  en  ella  un  egercito,  con 
muchos  jardines,  y  un  muy  grande  estanque,  que  por  debajo  de 
tierra  solian  entrar  a  el  con  barcas."  (Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios, 
MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7.)  The  last  relics  of  this  palace  were  emploj'ed 
in  the  fortifications  of  the  city  in  the  revolutionary  war  of  1810. 
(Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Esp.,  p.  78,  nota.)  Tezcuco  is  now  an 
insignificant  little  place,  with  a  population  of  a  few  thousand  in- 
habitants. Its  architectural  remains,  as  still  to  be  discerned,  seem  to 
have  made  a  stronger  impression  on  Mr.  Bullock  than  on  most  travel- 
lers.    Six  Months  in  Mexico,  chap.  27. 


368  CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 

of  his  uncle.  He  endeavored  to  rouse  him  to  manly 
exertion,  but  in  vain.  He  then  set  about  forming 
a  league  with  several  of  the  neighboring  caciques 
to  rescue  his  kinsman  and  to  break  the  detested 
3^oke  of  the  strangers.  He  called  on  the  lord  of 
Iztapalapan,  Montezuma's  brother,  the  lord  of 
Tlacopan,  and  some  others  of  most  authority,  all 
of  whom  entered  heartily  into  his  views.  He  then 
urged  the  Aztec  nobles  to  join  them;  but  they  ex- 
pressed an  unwillingness  to  take  any  step  not  first 
sanctioned  by  the  emperor.^  ^  They  entertained, 
undoubtedly,  a  profound  reverence  for  their  mas- 
ter; but  it  seems  probable  that  jealousy  of  the  per- 
sonal views  of  Cacama  had  its  influence  on  their 
determination.  Whatever  were  their  motives,  it 
is  certain  that  by  this  refusal  they  relinquished  the 
best  opportunity  ever  presented  for  retrieving 
their  sovereign's  independence  and  their  own. 

These  intrigues  could  not  be  conducted  so  se- 
cretly as  not  to  reach  the  ears  of  Cortes,  who,  with 
his  characteristic  promptness,  would  have  marched 
at  once  on  Tezcuco  and  trodden  out  the  spark  of 
"  rebellion  "  ^^  before  it  had  time  to  burst  into  a 

"  "  Cacama  reprehendi6  asperamente  a  la  Nobleza  Mexicana  porque 
consentia  hacer  seme j  antes  desacatos  a  quatro  Estrangeros  y  que  no 
les  mataban;  se  escusaban  con  decides  les  iban  a  la  mano  y  no  les 
consentian  tomar  las  Armas  para  libertarlo,  y  tomar  si  una  tan  gran 
deshonra  como  era  la  que  los  Estrangeros  les  habian  hecho  en  prender 
a  su  senor,  y  quemar  a  Quauhpopocatzin,  los  demas  sus  Hijos  y  Deu- 
dos  sin  culpa,  con  las  Armas  y  Municion  que  tenian  para  la  defenza  y 
guarda  de  la  ciudad,  y  de  su  autoridad  tomar  para  si  los  tesoros  del 
Rey,  y  de  los  Dioses,  y  otras  libertades  y  desvergiienzas  que  cada  dia 
pasaban,  y  aunque  todo  esto  vehian  lo  disimulaban  por  no  enojar  d 
Motecuhzoma  que  tan  amigo  y  casado  estaba  con  ellos."  IxtlilxochitI, 
Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  86. 

*'  It  is  the  language  of  Cortes.  "  Y  este  sefior  se  rebelo,  assi  contra 
cl  servicio  de  Vuestra  Alteza,  d  quien  se  habia  ofrecido,  como  contra 


1520]  MEDITATED   INSURRECTION  369 

flame.  But  from  this  he  was  dissuaded  by  Mon- 
tezuma, who  represented  that  Cacama  was  a  man 
of  resolution,  backed  by  a  powerful  force,  and  not 
to  be  put  down  without  a  desperate  struggle.  He 
consented,  therefore,  to  negotiate,  and  sent  a  mes- 
sage of  amicable  expostulation  to  the  cacique.  He 
received  a  haughty  answer  in  return.  Cortes  re- 
joined in  a  more  menacing  tone,  asserting  the  su- 
premacy of  his  own  sovereign,  the  emperor  of  Cas- 
tile. To  this  Cacama  replied,  "  He  acknowledged 
no  such  authoritj^;  he  knew  nothing  of  the  Spanish 
sovereign  or  his  people,  nor  did  he  wish  to  know 
anj^thing  of  them."  ^'^  JNIontezuma  was  not  more 
successful  in  his  application  to  Cacama  to  come 
to  jNIexico  and  allow  him  to  mediate  his  differences 
with  the  Spaniards,  with  whom  he  assured  the 
prince  he  was  residing  as  a  friend.  But  the  young 
lord  of  Tezcuco  was  not  to  be  so  duped.  He  un- 
derstood the  position  of  his  uncle,  and  replied 
"  that  when  he  did  visit  his  capital  it  would  be  to 
rescue  it,  as  well  as  the  emperor  himself,  and  their 
common  gods,  from  bondage.  He  should  come, 
not  with  his  hand  in  his  bosom,  but  on  his  sword, — 
to  drive  out  the  detested  strangers  who  had  brought 
such  dishonor  on  their  country!  "  ^'^ 

el  dicho  Muteczuma."  Rel.  Scg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  95.  —  Voltaire, 
with  his  quick  eye  for  the  ridiculous,  notices  this  arrogance  in  his 
tragedy  of  Alzire: 

"  Tu  vois  de  ces  tyrans  la  fureur  dcspotiquc: 
lis  penscnt  que  pour  eux  le  Cicl  fit  rAin<5riquc, 
I  Qu'ils  en  soiit  nes  les  Rois  ;  et  Ziimore  :i  lours  youx. 
Tout  souverain  qu'il  fut,  n'est  qu'un  soditieux." 

Al/.irk,  act  ♦,'so.  3. 
"Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  91. 

"  "  I  que  para  reparar  la  Religion,  i  restituir  los  Dieses,  guardar  el 
Reino,  cobrar  la  fama,  i  libertad  &  S,  i  &  M^-xico,  iria  de  nnii  buena 


370  CONQUEST   OF  MEXICO 

Cortes,  incensed  at  this  tone  of  defiance,  would 
again  have  put  himself  in  motion  to  punish  it,  hut 
Montezuma  interposed  with  his  more  politic  arts. 
He  had  several  of  the  Tezcucan  nobles,  he  said,  in 
his  pay;^^  and  it  would  be  easy,  through  their 
means,  to  secure  Cacama's  person,  and  thus  break 
up  the  confederacy,  at  once,  without  bloodshed. 
The  maintaining  of  a  corps  of  stipendiaries  in  the 
courts  of  neighboring  princes  was  a  refinement 
which  showed  that  the  Western  barbarian  under- 
stood the  science  of  political  intrigue  as  well  as 
some  of  his  royal  brethren  on  the  other  side  of  the 
water. 

By  the  contrivance  of  these  faithless  nobles,  Ca- 
cama  was  induced  to  hold  a  conference,  relative  to 
the  proposed  invasion,  in  a  villa  which  overhung 
the  Tezcucan  lake,  not  far  from  his  capital.  Like 
most  of  the  principal  edifices,  it  was  raised  so  as  to 
admit  the  entrance  of  boats  beneath  it.  In  the 
midst  of  the  conference,  Cacama  was  seized  by  the 
conspirators,  hurried  on  board  a  bark  in  readiness 
for  the  purpose,  and  transported  to  Mexico. 
When  brought  into  Montezuma's  presence,  the 
high-spirited  chief  abated  nothing  of  his  proud 
and  lofty  bearing.  He  taxed  his  uncle  with  his 
perfidy,  and  a  pusillanimity  so  unworthy  of  his 
former  character  and  of  the  royal  house  from  which 
he  was  descended.    By  the  emperor  he  was  referred 

gana,  mas  no  las  manos  en  el  seno,  sino  en  la  Espada,  para  matar  los 
Espanoles,  que  tanta  mengua,  i  afrenta  havian  hecho  a  la  Nacion  de 
Culhiia."    Ibid.,  cap.  91. 

"  "  Pero  que  el  tenia  en  su  Tierra  de  el  dicho  Cacamazin  muchas 
Personas  Principales,  que  vivian  con  el,  y  les  daba  su  salario."  Kei. 
Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  95. 


1520]  LORD   OF   TEZCUCO   SEIZED  371 

to  Cortes,  who,  holding  royalty  but  cheap  in  an 
Indian  prince,  put  him  in  fetters.^'' 

There  was  at  this  tune  in  Mexico  a  brother  of 
Cacama,  a  stripling  much  younger  than  himself. 
At  the  instigation  of  Cortes,  Montezuma,  pretend- 
ing that  his  nephew  had  forfeited  the  sovereignty 
by  his  late  rebellion,  declared  him  to  be  deposed, 
and  appointed  Cuicuitzca  in  his  place.  The  Aztec 
sovereigns  had  always  been  allowed  a  paramount 
authority  in  questions  relating  to  the  succession. 
But  this  was  a  most  unwarrantable  exercise  of  it. 
The  Tezcucans  acquiesced,  however,  with  a  ready 
ductility,  which  showed  their  allegiance  hung  but 
lightly  on  them,  or,  what  is  more  probable,  that 
they  were  greatly  in  awe  of  the  Spaniards;  and 
the  new  prince  was  welcomed  with  acclamations  to 
his  capital.^'^ 

Cortes  still  wanted  to  get  into  his  hands  the  other 
chiefs  who  had  entered  into  the  confederacy  with 
Cacama.  This  was  no  difficult  matter.  JNIonte- 
zuma's  authority  was  absolute,  everywhere  but  in 
his  own  palace.     By  his  command,  the  caciques 

"  Ilel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  95,  96.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  8.  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  86. 
— The  latter  author  dismisses  the  capture  of  Cacama  with  the  com- 
fortable reflection  "  that  it  saved  the  S})aniards  much  embarrassment, 
and  greatly  facilitated  the  introduction  of  the  Catholic  faith." 

^Cortes  calls  the  name  of  this  prince  Cucuzca.  (Uel.  Seg.,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  j).  96.)  In  the  orthography  of  Aztec  words,  the  general 
was  governed  by  his  ear,  and  was  wrong  nine  times  out  of  ten.  —  Bus- 
tamante,  in  his  catalogue  of  Tezcucan  monarchs,  omits  him  alto- 
gether. He  probably  regards  him  as  an  intruder,  who  had  no  claim 
to  be  ranked  among  the  rightful  .sovereigns  of  the  land.  ((laleria 
de  antiguos  Prfncipes  (Puel)la,  18;?1),  p.  ■■21.)  Sahagun  has,  in  liiie 
manner,  struck  his  name  from  the  royal  roll  of  Tezcuco.  Hist,  de 
Nueva-Espana,  lib.  8,  cap.  3. 


372  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

were  seized,  each  in  his  own  city,  and  brought  in 
chains  to  Mexico,  where  Cortes  placed  them  in 
strict  confinement  with  their  leader. ^^ 

He  had  now  triumphed  over  all  his  enemies. 
He  had  set  his  foot  on  the  necks  of  princes;  and 
the  great  chief  of  the  Aztec  empire  was  but  a  con- 
venient tool  in  his  hands  for  accomplishing  his 
purposes.  His  first  use  of  this  power  was  to  ascer- 
tain the  actual  resources  of  the  monarchy.  He 
sent  several  parties  of  Spaniards,  guided  by  the 
natives,  to  explore  the  regions  where  gold  was  ob- 
tained. It  w^as  gleaned  mostly  from  the  beds  of 
rivers,  several  hundred  miles  from  the  capital. 

His  next  object  was  to  learn  if  there  existed  any 
good  natural  harbor  for  shipping  on  the  Atlantic 
coast,  as  the  road  of  Vera  Cruz  left  no  protection 
against  the  tempests  that  at  certain  seasons  swept 
over  these  seas.  JNIontezuma  showed  him  a  chart 
on  w^iich  the  shores  of  the  JNIexican  Gulf  were  laid 
down  with  tolerable  accuracy.^ ^  Cortes,  after 
carefully  inspecting  it,  sent  a  commission,  consist- 
ing of  ten  Spaniards,  several  of  them  pilots,  and 
some  Aztecs,  who  descended  to  Vera  Cruz  and 
made  a  careful  survey  of  the  coast  for  nearly  sixty 
leagues  south  of  that  settlement,  as  far  as  the  great 
river  Coatzacualco,  which  seemed  to  offer  the  best 
— indeed,  the  only — accommodations  for  a   safe 

^  The  exceeding  lenity  of  the  Spanish  commander,  on  this  occa- 
sion, excited  general  admiration,  if  we  are  to  credit  Soh's,  throughout 
the  Aztec  empire !  "  Tuvo  notable  aplauso  en  todo  el  imperio  este 
g^nero  de  castigo  sin  sangre,  que  se  atribuyd  al  superior  juicio  de  los 
Espanoles,  porque  no  esperaban  de  Motezuma  seme j  ante  modera- 
cion."    Conquista,  lib.  4,  cap.  ;?. 

"  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  91. 


1520]    FURTHER  MEASURES  OF   CORTES      373 

and  suitable  harbor.  A  spot  was  selected  as  the 
site  of  a  fortified  post,  and  the  general  sent  a  de- 
tachment of  a  hundred  and  fifty  men  under  Velas- 
quez de  Leon  to  plant  a  colony  there. 

He  also  obtained  a  grant  of  an  extensive  tract 
of  land  in  the  fruitful  province  of  Oaxaca,  where 
he  proposed  to  lay  out  a  plantation  for  the  crown. 
He  stocked  it  with  the  different  kinds  of  domes- 
ticated animals  peculiar  to  the  country,  and  with 
such  indigenous  grains  and  plants  as  would  afford 
the  best  articles  for  export.  He  soon  had  the  es- 
tate under  such  cultivation  that  he  assured  his  mas- 
ter, the  emperor  Charles  the  Fifth,  it  was  worth 
twenty  thousand  ounces  of  gold.^^ 

^ "  Damus  quae  dant,"  says  Martyr,  brieflj',  in  reference  to  this 
valuation.  (De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  3.)  Cortes  notices  the  re- 
ports made  by  his  people,  of  large  and  beautiful  edifices  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Oaxaca.  (Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  89.)  It  is  here,  also, 
that  some  of  the  most  elaborate  specimens  of  Indian  architecture 
are  still  to  be  seen,  in  the  ruins  of  Mitla. 


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